Ferdinand Marcos

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Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos Sr.Template:Efn (September 11, 1917 – September 28, 1989) was a Filipino lawyer, politician, dictator, and kleptocrat who served as the tenth president of the Philippines from 1965 to 1986. He ruled the country under martial law from 1972 to 1981, granting himself expanded powers under the 1973 Constitution. Marcos described his philosophy as "constitutional authoritarianism". He was deposed in 1986 by the People Power Revolution and was succeeded as president by Corazon Aquino.

Marcos gained political success by exaggerating his actions in World War II, claiming to have been the "most decorated war hero in the Philippines".<ref name="marcosMedalsExplained">Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="fakeMedalsReduxII">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref name="marcosHeroism">Template:Cite news</ref> — United States Army documents described his claims as "fraudulent" and "absurd".<ref name="JeffGerth&JoelBrinkley19860123">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref name="fakeMedalsReduxI">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> After the war, he became a lawyer. He served in the Philippine House of Representatives from 1949 to 1959 and the Philippine Senate from 1959 to 1965. He was elected president in 1965. He presided over an economy that grew during the beginning of his 20-year rule,<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> but ended in the loss of livelihood and extreme poverty for almost half the Philippine population,<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref name="truthAboutEconomy">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> combined with a debt crisis.<ref name="openSpyAgency">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="truthAboutEconomy" /> He pursued infrastructure development funded by foreign debt,<ref name="marcosEconomicDisaster">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="Galang20110221">Template:Cite news</ref> making him popular during his first term, although the aid triggered an inflation crisis that led to social unrest in his second term.<ref name="Balbosas1992">Template:Cite journal</ref><ref name="Cororaton1997">Template:Cite journal</ref> Marcos placed the Philippines under martial law on September 23, 1972,<ref name="govPhDeclarationMartialLaw">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref name="fmDeclaresSundayExpress">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> shortly before the end of his second term. Martial law was ratified in 1973 through a fraudulent referendum.<ref name="philippinesReadr">Template:Cite book</ref> He ruled the country under martial law from 1972 to 1981.<ref name="lacsamana1990p189">Template:Cite book p. 189.</ref> During this period, the constitution was revised and media outlets were silenced.<ref name="hartfordMcCoy">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref name="ageSilence">Template:Cite news</ref> Marcos also oversaw a violent crackdown against the political opposition,<ref name="kushidaStanford">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref name=":2">Template:Cite news</ref> Muslims,<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> suspected communists,<ref name="darkDaysDictatorship">Template:Cite news</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> and ordinary citizens.<ref name=":2" />

After his election to a third term in the 1981 presidential election and referendum, Marcos's popularity suffered due to the economic collapse that began in 1983 and the public outrage over the assassination of public opposition leader Senator Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino Jr. that year. This discontent, the resulting resurgence of the opposition in the 1984 parliamentary election, and the discovery of documents exposing his financial accounts and false war records led Marcos to call a snap election in 1986. Allegations of mass electoral fraud, political turmoil, and human rights abuses led to the People Power Revolution of February 1986, which ultimately removed him from power.<ref name="countryStudiesAquinoAssassination">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> To avoid what could have been a military confrontation in Manila between pro- and anti-Marcos troops, Marcos was advised by US President Ronald Reagan through Senator Paul Laxalt to "cut and cut cleanly".<ref name="WPostCutcleanly">Template:Cite news</ref> Marcos then fled with his family to Hawaii.<ref name="marcosFlees">Template:Cite news</ref> He was succeeded as president by Aquino's widow, Corazon "Cory" Aquino.<ref name="undeliveredSpeech">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="laurieAssassionation">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}Template:Cbignore</ref><ref name="aquinoFinalJourney">Template:Cite news</ref> Many people who rose to power during the Marcos era remained in power after his exile, including Fidel Ramos, a general who became president.<ref name="mccoy">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

According to source documents provided by the Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG),<ref name="29Mrecovered">Template:Cite news</ref> the Marcos family stole US$5 billion–$10 billion from the Central Bank of the Philippines.<ref name="economistHailToTheThief2">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="asianJournalChronology">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> The PCGG also maintained that the Marcos family enjoyed a decadent lifestyle,<ref name="1billion30">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="politicalWill">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> taking billions of dollars from the Philippines between 1965 and 1986.<ref name="broughtToHawaii">Template:Cite news</ref> Upon his legacy, Marcos is widely regarded as among the most controversial figures in the Philippines,<ref name="marcosKleptocracy22">Template:Cite book</ref><ref name="RegimeOfMarcoses22">Template:Cite news</ref> with its governmental rule formed an kleptocracy<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> under Marcos's dictatorial regime was widely condemned,<ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref name="marcosRiseAndFallDictator">Template:Cite news</ref> and his regime was infamous for corruption,<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref><ref>Template:Cite journal</ref><ref name="Global Corruption Report">Template:Cite book</ref> extravagance,<ref name="fpImmenseIllGottenWealthOfImelda">Template:Cite magazine</ref><ref name="theIndependentWeirdWorldImelda">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="jimLaurieABCExcerpt">Template:Cite newsTemplate:Cbignore</ref> and brutality.<ref name="marcosFamilyReturnLimelight">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="amnestyInternational1975" /><ref name="hartfordMcCoy" /> His wife, Imelda Marcos, made infamous in her own right by excesses that characterized her and her husband's "conjugal dictatorship",<ref name="conjugal">Template:Cite book</ref><ref name="marcosToGaddafi">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="imeldificPaintings">Template:Cite news</ref> is the source of the term Template:Wikt-lang.<ref name="martialLawFashion">Template:Cite news</ref> Two of their children, Imee and Bongbong, became active in Philippine politics, with Bongbong being elected president in 2022. Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos held the Guinness World Record for the largest-ever theft from a government for decades,<ref name="guiness2020">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> although Guinness took the record down from their website while it underwent periodic review a few weeks before the 2022 Philippine presidential elections.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>Template:Toclimit

Early life

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File:Ferdinand Marcos with family 1920s.jpg

Ferdinand Marcos (right) with his family in the 1920s

Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos was born on September 11, 1917, in the town of Sarrat, Ilocos Norte, to Mariano Marcos (1897–1945) and Josefa Edralin (1893–1988).<ref name="Steinberg2000pp115-116">Template:Cite bookTemplate:Dead link</ref> Mariano Marcos was a lawyer and congressman from Ilocos Norte, Philippines.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> He was executed by Filipino guerillas in 1945 as a Japanese propagandist and collaborator during World War II. Drawn and quartered with the use of carabaos, his remains were left hanging on a tree.<ref name="JohnSharkey19860124">Template:Cite news</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref name="LaphamsRaiders">Template:Cite book</ref> Josefa Marcos was a schoolteacher who outlived her husband – dying in 1988, two years after the Marcos family left her in Malacañang Palace, they fled into exile after the 1986 People Power Revolution, one year before her son Ferdinand's death.<ref name="NYT19860330">Template:Cite news</ref>

Marcos claimed that he was a descendant of Antonio Luna, a Filipino general during the Philippine–American War,<ref name="A.R. Ocampo 2010">Template:Cite book</ref> a claim since debunked by genealogist Mona Magno-Veluz.<ref name="BaguioChronicle2022">Template:Cite news</ref> He also claimed that his ancestor was a 16th-century pirate, Limahong (Chinese: 林阿鳳), who used to raid the coasts of the South China Sea.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref name="mijares255">Template:Harvp.</ref> He is a Chinese mestizo descendant.<ref name=":02">Template:Cite journal</ref>

Education

Marcos studied law at the University of the Philippines (UP) in Manila, attending the College of Law. He excelled in both curricular and extra-curricular activities, joining the university's swimming, boxing, and wrestling teams. He was an accomplished orator, debater, and writer for the student newspaper. While attending the UP College of Law, he joined Upsilon Sigma Phi, where he met his future colleagues in government and some of his staunchest critics.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Page needed<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Page needed

Marcos attended the Reserve Officers' Training Corps (ROTC) He served as an ROTC battalion commander and was commissioned as a third lieutenant (apprentice officer) in the Philippine Constabulary Reserve. He was a member of the rifle team and a national rifle champion.<ref name="marcosOvercameMurder" />

When he sat for the 1939 Bar Examinations, he was a top scorer with a score of 92.35%.<ref name="veraFilesMarcosBarExams">Template:Cite news</ref> He graduated cum laude and was in the top ten of his class: future Chief Justice Felix Makasiar was their class salutatorian.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> He was elected to the Pi Gamma Mu and the Phi Kappa Phi international honor societies, the latter giving him its Most Distinguished Member Award 37 years later.<ref>See page 32, {{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

File:Ferdinand Marcos receiving his Doctor of Laws degree - Central Philippine University.jpg

Ferdinand Marcos being conferred with a Doctor Laws, honoris causa degree during the investiture of the first Filipino president of Central Philippine University, Rex D. Drilon, on April 21, 1967

Marcos received an honorary Doctor of Laws (LL.D.) (honoris causa) degree in 1967 from Central Philippine University.<ref name="Honorary Degree Recipients from 1905-1980s - Central Philippine University">Template:Cite book</ref>

Julio Nalundasan assassination

{{#invoke:Labelled list hatnote|labelledList|Main article|Main articles|Main page|Main pages}} Julio Nalundasan was a Filipino lawyer/politician and a political rival of Mariano Marcos's. He was killed with a single rifle shot at his home in Batac on September 21, 1935, the day after he had defeated Marcos a second time for a seat in the National Assembly.<ref name="conjugalAteneo">Template:Cite book</ref>

In December 1938, Ferdinand Marcos, his father Mariano, and his uncles, Pio Marcos and Quirino Lizardo were both accused of murder.<ref name="mijares237">Template:Harvp.</ref> According to two witnesses, the four had conspired to assassinate Nalundasan.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

Ferdinand was a member of the University of the Philippines rifle team and a national rifle champion.<ref name="marcosOvercameMurder">Template:Cite news</ref> Marcos's rifle was in its gun rack in the ROTC armory, that of team captain Teodoro M. Kalaw Jr. was missing.

The National Bureau of Investigation obtained evidence that Kalaw's rifle was the murder weapon. Ferdinand had access to the armory.<ref name="conjugalAteneo" /> Ferdinand and Lizardo were then convicted of the murder. Ferdinand was sentenced to 10 to 17 years in prison.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>

Marcos appealed to the Supreme Court of the Philippines.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Justice Jose P. Laurel, who wrote the majority decision, had almost killed a rival during a youthful brawl. He was convicted by a trial court of frustrated murder, but was acquitted after his own appeal to the Supreme Court. Laurel pleaded for his colleagues to acquit.<ref name="conjugalAteneo" /> The Supreme Court overturned the lower court's decision on October 22, 1940, acquitting both men of all charges except contempt.<ref>Justice Jose P. Laurel penned the ponencia (in People vs. Mariano Marcos, et al., 70 Phil. 468 Template:Webarchive) with which Chief Justice Ramón Avanceña, Justices Imperial, Díaz and Horilleno all concurred.</ref><ref name="puppetPresident">Template:Cite news</ref>

World War II (1939–1945)

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Post-WWII (1949–1965)

After World War II, the American government became preoccupied with the Marshall Plan, attempting to revive Western European economies, losing focus on the Philippines, which gained independence on July 4, 1946.<ref name="Wood1986">Template:Cite book</ref><ref name="Dubsky1993">Template:Cite book</ref> Marcos was one of eleven lawyers to act as a special prosecutor tasked to try by "process of law and justice" all those accused of collaboration with the Japanese.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> Eventually, Marcos ran for his father's old post as representative of the 2nd district of Ilocos Norte and won three consecutive terms, serving in the House of Representatives from 1949 to 1959.<ref name="Ferdinand Edralin Marcos">Ferdinand Edralin Marcos Template:Webarchive. Philippines Senate</ref>

File:Rep. Ferdinand E. Marcos (3rd Congress).jpg

Marcos official portrait during the 3rd Congress.

Marcos joined the "Liberal Wing" that split from the Nacionalista Party, which became the Liberal Party. He later became the Liberal Party's economic spokesman, and chaired the House Neophytes Bloc which included future president Diosdado Macapagal, future Vice President Emmanuel Pelaez and future Manila Mayor Arsenio Lacson.<ref name="Ferdinand Edralin Marcos" />

Marcos then became chairman of the House Committee on Commerce and Industry and member of the House Committees on Defense, Ways and Means; Industry; Banks Currency; War Veterans; Civil Service; and on Corporations and Economic Planning. He was also a member of the Special Committee on Import and Price Controls and the Special Committee on Reparations, and of the House Electoral Tribunal.<ref name="Ferdinand Edralin Marcos" />

After serving in the House for three terms, Marcos won a Senate seat in 1959 and became Senate minority floor leader in 1960. He became executive vice president of the Liberal Party and served as party president from 1961 to 1964.

From 1963 to 1965, he was Senate President. He introduced significant bills, many of which were enacted.<ref name="Ferdinand Edralin Marcos" />

Presidential campaign

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File:Ferdinand Marcos and Fernando Lopez 1965.jpg

Ferdinand Marcos with his running mate Fernando Lopez during campaign in 1965

File:Marcos-1stInauguration.jpg

Ferdinand Marcos is sworn into his first term on December 30, 1965.

Marcos ran a populist campaign emphasizing that he was a medalled war hero. In 1962, Marcos claimed to be the most decorated war hero of the Philippines by garnering almost every medal and decoration that the Filipino and American governments had established.<ref name="mijares246">Template:Harvp.</ref> Included in his claim of 27 war medals and decorations are those of the Distinguished Service Cross and the Medal of Honor.<ref name="mijares246" /><ref name="chicagoTribune1">Template:Cite news{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> The opposition Liberal Party later confirmed that many of his war medals were awarded in 1962 to aid in his Senate election campaign.<ref name="conjugal" /> As a result, Marcos won the election.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>

Administration and cabinet

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First term (1965–1969)

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Marcos was inaugurated as the 10th president of the Philippines on December 30, 1965.<ref name="Kasaysayan9ch10">Template:Cite book</ref>

He launched an aggressive program of infrastructure development funded by foreign loans. He remained popular for most of his first term;<ref name="Kasaysayan9ch10" /> although his popularity got flagged after debt-driven spending which triggered an inflationary crisis in November and December 1969.<ref name="Balbosas1992" /><ref name="Cororaton1997" /> Major projects included the construction of the Cultural Center of the Philippines complex, which is considered one of the earliest examples of what became known as the Marcoses' edifice complex.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="Lico2003">Template:Cite book</ref>

Marcos developed close relations with Philippine military officers<ref name="Kasaysayan9ch10"/> and began expanding the armed forces by allowing loyal generals to stay in their positions past retirement age, or giving them government posts.<ref name="GovPh29thNinoyAnniv">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> He gained the support of the US Johnson administration by allowing Philippine involvement in the Vietnam War via the Philippine Civic Action Group.<ref name="McMahon1999"/>

Marcos's first term saw the exposé of the Jabidah massacre in March 1968, where Jibin Arula (a Muslim) testified that he had been the lone survivor of a group of Moro army recruits that had been executed en-masse on Corregidor Island on March 18, 1968.<ref name="Rappler">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="George1980">Template:Cite book</ref> The allegations became a major flashpoint that ignited the Moro insurgency.<ref name="George1980"/>

Defense expansion

File:CongressBuilding SEATO.jpg

The leaders of some of the SEATO nations in front of the Congress Building in Manila, hosted by Marcos on October 24, 1966

One of President Marcos's earliest initiatives was to significantly expand the Philippine military. In an unprecedented move, Marcos chose to concurrently serve as his own defense secretary, giving him direct control over the military.<ref name="Kasaysayan9ch10"/> He significantly increased the defense budget, tapping them for civil projects such as school construction. Marcos' policies led Senator Benigno Aquino Jr. to accuse Marcos in 1968 of trying to establish "a garrison state".<ref name="GovPh29thNinoyAnniv"/>

Vietnam War

File:LBJ meets with Ferdinand Marcos in Manila 1966-10-23.JPG

President Marcos (left) and his wife Imelda (center) meet with US President Lyndon B. Johnson (right) in Manila in October 1966.

Under intense pressure from the Johnson administration,<ref name="McMahon1999">Template:Cite book</ref> Marcos reversed his prior position of not sending Philippine forces to Vietnam,<ref name="McMahon1999" /><ref name="showingflag">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> consenting to limited involvement.<ref name="agoncillo508">Template:Cite book</ref> He then asked Congress to approve sending a combat engineer unit. Despite opposition, the proposal was approved and Philippine troops were involved from the middle of 1966 as the Philippines Civic Action Group (PHILCAG). PHILCAG grew to a strength of some 1,600 troops in 1968. Between 1966 and 1970 over 10,000 Filipino soldiers served in Vietnam, mainly involved in civilian infrastructure projects.<ref name="Celoza1997">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp<ref>Lieutenant General Larsen, Stanley Robert (1985) "Chapter III: The Philippines" Template:Webarchive in Allied Participation in Vietnam, US Department of the Army</ref>

Loans for construction projects

File:Emperor Hirohito in Philippines 1966.jpg

Marcos with Japanese Emperor Hirohito in 1966

Attempting to become the first president of the third republic to be reelected, Marcos began taking massive foreign loans to fund the "rice, roads, and school buildings" he promised in his reelection campaign. With tax revenues inadequate to fund his 70% increase in infrastructure spending from 1966 to 1970, Marcos covered the gap with loans, creating a budget deficit 72% higher than the Philippine government's annual deficit from 1961 to 1965.<ref name="Kasaysayan9ch10" />

The Marcos administration continued this loan-funded spending throughout his reign, producing economic instability that continued for decades.<ref name="Kasaysayan9ch10" /> Marcos's grandest first term infrastructure projects, especially the Cultural Center of the Philippines complex, marked the beginning of what critics would label his "edifice complex".<ref name="Lico2003"/>Template:Page needed

Jabidah exposé

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In March 1968 Jibin Arula was fished out of Manila Bay, after he was shot. He was brought to then-Cavite Governor Delfin N. Montano, to whom he described the Jabidah massacre, saying that numerous Moro army recruits had been executed by members of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) on March 18, 1968.<ref name="Rappler"/>Template:Better source needed This became the subject of an exposé by Senator Aquino.<ref name="sfof">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref>

Although the lack of other living witnesses hampered the probe, it ignited the Moro insurgency in the Philippines.<ref name="George1980"/> Despite numerous trials and hearings, none of the officers implicated in the massacre were convicted, leading many Filipino Muslims to believe that the "Christian" government in Manila had little regard for them.<ref name="Larousse2001">Template:Cite book</ref><ref name="Majul1985">Template:Cite book</ref> This created a furor within the Philippine Muslim community, especially among educated youth,<ref name="MuslimPresident1994">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Page needed and among Muslim intellectuals, who had had no significant involvement in politics.<ref name="George1980" /> The Jabidah massacre costed many Filipino Muslims their belief in opportunities for integration and accommodation.<ref name="Smith2015">Template:Cite book</ref>

This eventually led to the formation of the Mindanao Independence Movement in 1968, the Bangsamoro Liberation Organization (BMLO) was created in 1969, and the consolidation of these various forces into the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) in October 1972.<ref name="BetweenIntegrationandSecession">Template:Cite book</ref>

1969 campaign

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Informal diplomacy

Marcos engaged in unofficial diplomacy with the Soviet Bloc, shaped by the Sino-Soviet split.<ref name=":16" /><ref name=":17">Template:Cite journal</ref> The Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas-1930 (PKP-1930), was an officially illegal organization that had endorsed Marcos in 1965. The formation of the China-aligned Communist Party of the Philippines led to government support of the Soviet-aligned PKP-1930. Some PKP-1930 members were appointed to positions within Marcos's government as salaried "researchers". Their connections were used as another channel of negotiation with the Soviet Union.<ref name=":17" />

Second term (1969–1972)

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File:Ferdinand Marcos 1969 Inaugural.jpg

Ferdinand Marcos takes the Oath of Office for a second term before Chief Justice Roberto Concepcion on December 30, 1969.

File:0238jfBaliuag Bulacan Landmark Interior Museum and Libraryfvf 08.jpg

Marcos and Imelda with the Mayors of Baliwag in 1973

Marcos was reelected on November 11, 1969, in a landslide. He was the only Filipino president to win a second full term.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Cite bookTemplate:Dead link</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref> His running mate, incumbent Vice President Fernando Lopez was also elected to a third full term as Vice President of the Philippines.

Marcos's second term was characterized by social unrest, beginning with the balance of payments crisis.<ref name="Kasaysayan9ch10"/> Opposition groups began to form, with "moderate" groups calling for political reform and "radical" groups espousing radical-left ideology.<ref name="Passionate">Talitha Espiritu Passionate Revolutions: The Media and the Rise and Fall of the Marcos Regime Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2017.</ref><ref name="Daroy1988"/><ref name="GazetteHistoryProtest"/>

Marcos responded with military force. The most notable was the response to protests during the first three months of 1970 – a period known as the First Quarter Storm.<ref name="Aureus 1985"/><ref name="RebellionRepressionPh">Template:Cite book</ref><ref name="GazetteHistoryProtest" />

Another major event was the Philippine Constitutional Convention of 1971. In May 1972, a delegate exposed a bribery scheme in which delegates were paid to vote with the Marcoses that implicated Imelda Marcos.<ref name="Kasaysayan9ch10" />Template:Rp<ref name="BantayogQuintero"/>

On August 21, 1971, a fatal bombing occurred at a political campaign rally of the opposition Liberal Party at Plaza Miranda in Quiapo, Manila. Marcos blamed the Communist Party of the Philippines. He issued Proclamation No. 889, through which he assumed emergency powers and suspended the writ of habeas corpus.<ref name="Simafrania2006" /> Oppositionists were accused as "radicals" and were arrested. This response ignored any distinction between moderates and radicals, already blurred since the First Quarter storm. This brought about a massive expansion of the underground socialist resistance, leading many moderate oppositionists to join the radicals.<ref name="Rodis" /><ref name="Lacaba 1982 11–45, 157–178" /><ref name="GazetteHistoryProtest" /> In 1972 a series of bombings in Metro Manila occurred. Marcos again blamed the communists, although the only suspects caught were linked to the Philippine Constabulary.<ref name="Brillantes1987">Template:Cite book</ref><ref name="Overholt">Template:Cite journal</ref>

Marcos's second term effectively ended less than two years and nine months later, when Marcos established martial law.<ref name="govPhDeclarationMartialLaw" />

Social unrest after the balance of payments crisis

Marcos's spending during the campaign triggered growing public unrest,<ref name="marcosMartialLawNeverAgain">Template:Cite book</ref> and led opposition figures such as Senator Lorenzo Tañada, Senator Jovito Salonga, and Senator Jose W. Diokno to accuse Marcos of wanting to stay in power beyond the two term constitutional limit.<ref name="marcosMartialLawNeverAgain" />

Opposition groups quickly grew on campuses.<ref name="Passionate" /><ref name="Daroy1988" />

"Moderate" and "radical" opposition

Media reports classified the various civil society groups opposing Marcos into either "moderates" or "radicals".<ref name="Daroy1988">Template:Cite book</ref> The moderates included church groups, civil libertarians, and nationalist politicians who wanted political reforms.<ref name="Passionate" /> Radicals included labor and student groups who wanted more systemic political reforms.<ref name="Passionate" /><ref name="GazetteHistoryProtest">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

Moderates

Statesmen and politicians opposed to the increasingly authoritarian administration mostly focused their efforts on political efforts.<ref name="Kasaysayan9ch10" /> Their concerns usually included election reform, calls for a non-partisan constitutional convention, and a call for Marcos to comply with the Constitutional term limit.<ref name="Kasaysayan9ch10" /><ref name="GazetteHistoryProtest" />

Proponents included the National Union of Students in the Philippines,<ref name="GazetteHistoryProtest" /> the National Students League (NSL),<ref name="GazetteHistoryProtest" /> and later the Movement of Concerned Citizens for Civil Liberties (MCCCL), led by Senator Jose W. Diokno.<ref name="Daroy1988" />

MCCCL rallies were remembered for their diversity, attracting moderate and radical camps; and for their scale, attended by as many as 50,000 people.<ref name="Daroy1988" />

Radicals

The other broad category of opposition groups were those who wanted more systemic political reforms, usually as part of the National Democracy movement.<ref name="Passionate" /><ref name="GazetteHistoryProtest" /> The Marcos administration included moderate groups under the radical umbrtella.<ref name=":1">Template:Cite book</ref>

Groups considered radical by the media include:<ref name="GazetteHistoryProtest" />

• Kabataang Makabayan (KM)
• Samahang Demokratiko ng Kabataan (SDK)
• Student Cultural Association of the University of the Philippines (SCAUP)
• Movement for Democratic Philippines (MDP)
• Student Power Assembly of the Philippines (SPAP)
• Malayang Pagkakaisa ng Kabataang Pilipino (MPKP)

Radicalization

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When Marcos became president, the policy and politics functioned under a postwar geopolitical framework.<ref name="WorldBank">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> The Philippines was caught up in the anti-communist scare perpetuated by the US during the Cold War.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref> Marcos and the AFP claimed that the Communist Party of the Philippines was a threat, even though it was still a small organization.<ref name="RebellionRepressionPh" />Template:Rp<ref name="marcosMartialLawNeverAgain" /> Richard J. Kessler claimed that Marcos "mythologized the group, investing it with a revolutionary aura that only attracted more supporters".

The unrest of 1969 to 1970, and the violent reaction to the "First Quarter Storm" protests were watershed events in which Filipino students of the 1970s were radicalized against Marcos. Many students who had previously held "moderate" positions (i.e., calling for legislative reforms) became convinced that more radical social change was required.<ref name="Rodis">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="Lacaba 1982 11–45, 157–178">Template:Cite book</ref>

Other events that radicalized moderates included the February 1971 Diliman Commune; the August 1971 suspension of the writ of habeas corpus in the wake of the Plaza Miranda bombing; the September 1972 declaration of martial law; the 1980 murder of Macli-ing Dulag;<ref name="Aureus 1985">Template:Cite book</ref> and the August 1983 assassination of Ninoy Aquino.<ref name="GazetteHistoryProtest" />

By 1970, campus study sessions on Marxism–Leninism had become common, and many students joined organizations associated with the National Democracy Movement (ND), such as the Student Cultural Association of the University of the Philippines (SCAUP) and the Kabataang Makabayan (KM, lit. Patriotic Youth) founded by Jose Maria Sison;<ref name=":8">Template:Cite news</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> the Samahang Demokratiko ng Kabataan (SDK) was founded by a group of young writers.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

The line between leftist activists and communists became blurred, as a significant number of radicalized activists joined the Communist Party of the Philippines. Radicalized activists from the cities began to be more extensively deployed in rural areas where some became guerillas.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref>

First Quarter Storm

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By the time Marcos gave his State of the Nation Address on January 26, 1970, demonstrations, protests, and marches had broken out. Moderate and radical student groups became the protests' driving force, which lasted until the end of the university semester in March 1970, and came to be known as the "First Quarter Storm".<ref name="Manila, My Manila">Template:Cite book</ref><ref name="marcosMartialLawNeverAgain" />

During Marcos's address, the moderate National Union of Students of the Philippines organized a protest in front of Congress and invited student groups to join them. Some protesting students harangued Marcos as he and Imelda left the Congress building, throwing a coffin, a stuffed alligator, and stones at them.<ref name="InquirerRememberingFQS">Template:Cite news</ref>

The next major protest took place on January 30 in front of the presidential palace.<ref name="Newsbreak">Template:Cite news</ref> Activists rammed through the gate with a fire truck and charged the Palace grounds tossing rocks, pillboxes, and Molotov cocktails. At least two activists were confirmed dead and several were injured by police.

Five more major protests took place around Manila before March 17, 1970 – what some media accounts later branded the "7 deadly protests of the First Quarter Storm".<ref name="7DeadlyProtests">Template:Cite news</ref> This included rallies on February 12; a February 18 rally that proceeded to the US Embassy where they set fire to the lobby;<ref name="Lacaba 1982 11–45, 157–178" /> a "Second People's Congress" demonstration on February 26; a "People's March" on March 3; and the Second "People's March" on March 17.<ref name="7DeadlyProtests" />

The protests ranged from 50,000 to 100,000 people.<ref name="ndfp.org">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>Template:Better source needed Students had declared a week-long boycott of classes and instead met to organize rallies.<ref name="Lacaba 1982 11–45, 157–178" />

Violent dispersals of protests have radicalized Filipino students against the Marcos administration.<ref name="Rodis" />Template:Better source needed

Constitutional Convention of 1971

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Civil society groups and opposition leaders began campaigning in 1967 to initiate a constitutional convention.<ref name="DeanAndyBautista20141011">Template:Cite news</ref> On March 16 that year, the Philippine Congress made itself into a Constituent Assembly and passed Resolution No. 2, which called for a Constitutional Convention.<ref name="ImbongvFerrer">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

Marcos was surprised by his critics by endorsing the move. Historians later noted that he was hoping the convention would allow presidents to serve for more than two terms.<ref name="Kasaysayan9ch10" />

A special election was held on November 10, 1970, to elect the convention delegates.<ref name="Kasaysayan9ch10" />Template:Rp The convention was convened on June 1, 1971, at Quezon City Hall.<ref name="KatePedroso&MinervaGeneralao20160921">Template:Cite news</ref> A total of 320 delegates were elected. The most prominent were former senators Raul Manglapus and Roseller T. Lim. Other delegates later became influential political figures, including Hilario Davide Jr., Marcelo Fernan, Sotero Laurel, Aquilino Pimentel Jr., Teofisto Guingona Jr., Raul Roco, Edgardo Angara, Richard Gordon, Margarito Teves, and Federico Dela Plana.<ref name="Kasaysayan9ch10" /><ref name="delegates">Template:Cite book</ref>

By 1972, the convention had become bogged down by politicking and delays. Its credibility fell further in May 1972 when a delegate exposed a bribery scheme in which delegates were paid to vote in favor of the Marcoses – First Lady Imelda Marcos became implicated in the alleged scheme.<ref name="Kasaysayan9ch10" />Template:Rp<ref name="BantayogQuintero">Template:Cite news</ref>

The investigation was shelved when Marcos declared martial law in September 1972, and had 11 opposition delegates arrested. The remaining opposition delegates were forced to go either into exile or hiding. Within two months, an entirely new draft of the constitution was created by a special committee.<ref name="PCIJ20060501">Template:Cite news</ref> The 1973 constitutional plebiscite was called to ratify the new constitution, but the validity of the ratification was brought to question because Marcos replaced secret ballot voting with a system of viva voce voting by "citizen's assemblies".<ref name="Graham&Saunders2002">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp The ratification of the constitution was challenged in the Ratification Cases.<ref name="Bernas2003">Bernas, Joaquin (2003). The 1987 Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines: a Commentary. Rex Book Store, Manila</ref><ref name="Cruz2000">Cruz, Isagani A. (2000). Res Gestae: A Brief History of the Supreme Court. Rex Book Store, Manila</ref>

CPP New People's Army

On December 29, 1970, Philippine Military Academy instructor Lt. Victor Corpuz led New People's Army rebels in a raid on the PMA armory, capturing rifles, machine guns, grenade launchers, a bazooka and thousands of rounds of ammunition.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> In 1972, China, which was then actively supporting and arming communist insurgencies in Asia as part of Mao Zedong's People's War Doctrine, transported 1,200 M-14 and AK-47 rifles aboard the MV Karagatan for the NPA to aid its campaign to defeat the government.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}Template:Cbignore</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref>

Rumored coup d'état and assassination plot

A report by the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee said that shortly after the presidential election, a group composed mostly of retired colonels and generals organized a revolutionary junta with the aim of discrediting and killing Marcos. The group was headed by Eleuterio Adevoso, a Liberal Party official. A document given to the committee by a Philippine government official alleged that Vice President Fernando Lopez and Sergio, Osmena Jr. were key figures in the plot.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>

As early as December 1969 in a message from the US Ambassador to the US Assistant Secretary of State, the ambassador said that most of the talk about revolution and even assassination had been coming from the defeated opposition, of which Adevoso was a leading activist. He also said that his information on the assassination plans was 'hard' (well-sourced) and he wanted it to reach President Marcos.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Primary source inline<ref name="auto1">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>Template:Primary source inline

Plaza Miranda bombing

Template:Excerpt Unnamed former Communist Party officials alleged that "the Communist party leadership planned – and three operatives carried out – the Plaza Miranda attack in an attempt to provoke government repression and push the country towards revolution". Communist leader Jose Maria Sison had calculated that Marcos could be provoked into cracking down on his opponents, thereby driving political activists into the underground, the anonymous former officials said. Recruits were urgently needed, they said, to make use of a large influx of weapons and financial aid that China had agreed to provide."<ref name="washingtonpost.com">Template:Cite news</ref> Sison denied these claims.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> The CPP never offered official confirmation of its culpability. Marcos and his allies claimed that Benigno Aquino Jr. was part of the plot, denied by Sison.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>

File:Richard Nixon with the Marcos family.png

Richard Nixon with the Marcos family in 1969

Some historians claim Marcos was responsible for the Plaza Miranda bombing as he is known to have used false flag operations as a pretext for martial law.<ref name="Donnely&Hassman1987">Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref> US intelligence documents declassified in the 1990s contained evidence implicating Marcos, provided by a CIA mole within the Philippine Army.<ref name="Blitz2000">Template:Cite book</ref>

Another false flag attack took place with the attempted assassination of Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile in 1972. President Nixon approved Marcos's subsequent martial law initiative.<ref name="Blitz2000" />

1971 suspension of habeas corpus

On August 21, Marcos issued Proclamation No. 889, through which he assumed emergency powers and suspended the writ of habeas corpus.<ref name="GovPH-PP889">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref name="Simafrania2006">Template:Cite news</ref>

Marcos's act forced many members of the moderate opposition, such as Edgar Jopson, to join the radicals. In the aftermath of the bombing, Marcos lumped all of the opposition together and referred to them as communists. Many former moderates fled to the radicals' mountain encampments to avoid arrest by Marcos's forces. Those disenchanted with the Marcos administration often joined the ranks of the radicals as the only group vocally opposing Marcos.<ref name="Pimentel2006">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Page needed

1972 Manila bombings

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Martial law era (1972–1981)

{{#invoke:Labelled list hatnote|labelledList|Main article|Main articles|Main page|Main pages}} Template:See alsoOn the evening of September 23, 1972, President declared martial law for the Philippines.<ref name="govPhDeclarationMartialLaw" /> This marked the beginning of a 14-year period of one-man rule lasting until Marcos went into exile on February 25, 1986. Even though martial law was formally lifted on January 17, 1981, Marcos retained virtually all of his powers until he was ousted by the EDSA Revolution.<ref name="KaiFrancisco20160922">Template:Cite news</ref> The first of these bombings took place on March 15, 1972, and the last took place on September 11, 1972,<ref name="KatePedroso160921">Template:Cite news</ref> twelve days before martial law was announced on September 23 of that year.

File:Marcos Declares Martial Law.jpg

September 24, 1972, issue of the Sunday edition of the Philippine Daily Express

Marcos's declaration became known on September 23, 1972, when press secretary Francisco Tatad announced<ref name="nightDeclared">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="govPhDeclarationMartialLaw" /><ref name="fmDeclaresSundayExpress" /> that Proclamation № 1081 would extend Marcos's rule beyond the two-term constitutional limit.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> Ruling by decree, he almost dissolved press freedom and other civil liberties, closed down Congress and the media, and ordered the arrest of opposition leaders and militant activists, including Benigno Aquino Jr., Jovito Salonga and Jose W. Diokno.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref name="uslc-28">Template:Cite book</ref> Marcos claimed that martial law was the prelude to creating his Bagong Lipunan, a "New Society" based on new social and political values.Template:Citation needed

The early years of martial law met public approval,<ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref name="Case2013"/>Template:Rp as it was believed to have caused crime rates to drop.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>

Arrests

However, unlike Ninoy Aquino's Senate colleagues who were detained without charges, Ninoy, together with communist NPA leaders Lt. Corpuz and Bernabe Buscayno, was charged with murder, illegal possession of firearms and subversion.<ref name="asianjournalusa.com">Template:Cite news</ref>

Bagong Lipunan (New Society)

File:President Marcos and Hiroo Onoda.jpg

Imperial Japanese Army soldier Hiroo Onoda offering his military sword to Marcos on the day of his surrender on March 11, 1974

One of Marcos' rationalizations for martial law stated that there was a need to "reform society"<ref name="Brillantes1987" />Template:Rp by placing it under the control of a "benevolent dictator" who could guide the undisciplined populace through a period of chaos.<ref name="Brillantes1987" />Template:Rp<ref name="BeltranChingkawShadowsofTyrrany">Template:Cite news</ref> He referred to this social engineering exercise as the bagong lipunan or "new society".<ref name="OnyebadiMusicAsAPlatform">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp His administration produced propaganda materials, including speeches, books, lectures, slogans, and numerous propaganda songs – to promote it.<ref name="OnyebadiMusicAsAPlatform" />Template:Rp<ref name="EsquireBagongSilangSong">Template:Cite magazine</ref><ref name="NaveraMetaphorizingMartialLaw">Template:Cite journal</ref>

According to Marcos's book Notes on the New Society, his movement urged the poor and the privileged to work as one for the common goals of society and to achieve the liberation of the Filipino people through self-realization.Template:Citation needed

The Marcos regime instituted a youth organization, known as Kabataang Barangay, which was led by Marcos's eldest daughter Imee. Presidential Decree 684, enacted in April 1975, encouraged youths aged 15 to 18 to go to camps and do volunteer work.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref name=wurf>Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp

In October 1974, Marcos and PKP-1930 entered into a "national unity agreement" by which PKP-1930 would support New Society programs such as land reform, trade union reform, and including revitalized Soviet Bloc relations.<ref name=wurf/>Template:Rp<ref name=qu>Template:Cite book</ref>

Filipinization of Chinese schools

To instill patriotism among Filipino citizens and prevent the growing number of Chinese schools from propagating foreign ideologies, Marcos issued Presidential Decree No. 176,<ref name="Lee-2013">Template:Cite book</ref> preventing educational institutions from being established exclusively for foreigners or from offering curriculum exclusively for foreigners.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> It restricted Chinese language instruction to not more than 100 minutes/day.<ref name="Suryadinata-2017">Template:Cite book</ref>

1973 referendum

Martial law was put to a vote in the 1973 Philippine martial law referendum which was marred with controversy<ref name="philippinesReadr" />Template:Rp<ref name="Celoza1997"/> resulting in 90.77% support.

Rolex 12 and the military

Along with Marcos, members of his Rolex 12 circle such as Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, Chief of the Philippine Constabulary Fidel Ramos, and Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines Fabian Ver were the chief administrators of martial law. The three remained Marcos' closest advisers until he was ousted. Peripheral members of the Rolex 12 included Eduardo "Danding" Cojuangco Jr. and Lucio Tan.

Between 1972 and 1976, Marcos increased the size of the Philippine military from 65,000 to 270,000 personnel, in response to South Vietnam falling into the hands of North Vietnam and other communist successes in South East Asia. Military officers were placed on the boards of media corporations, public utilities, development projects, and other private corporations, most of whom were highly educated graduates of the Philippine Military Academy. Marcos also supported the growth of a domestic weapons-manufacturing industry and increased military spending.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>

Many human rights abuses were attributed to the Philippine Constabulary then headed by future president Fidel V. Ramos. Marcos organized the Civilian Home Defense Force, a precursor to Civilian Armed Forces Geographical Unit (CAFGU) to battle communist and Islamic insurgencies. It was accused of inflicting human rights violations on leftists, the NPA, Muslim insurgents, and rebels.<ref name="auto">Template:Cite book</ref>

US foreign policy

By 1977, the armed forces had quadrupled and over 60,000 Filipinos had been arrested for political reasons. In 1981, Vice President George H. W. Bush praised Marcos for his "adherence to democratic principles and to the democratic processes".Template:Refn No American military or politician in the 1970s ever publicly questioned Marcos' authority to fight communism in South East Asia.Template:Citation needed

From the declaration of martial law in 1972 until 1983, the US government provided $2.5 billion in bilateral military and economic aid to Marcos, and about $5.5 billion through multilateral institutions such as the World Bank.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>

During the Carter administration (1977–1981) the relationship with the US had soured somewhat when Carter targeted the Philippines in his human rights campaign. Despite this, the Carter administration provided military aid to the Marcos regime.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>

A 1979 US Senate report stated that US officials were aware, as early as 1973, that Philippine government agents were in the United States to harass Filipino dissidents. In June 1981, two anti-Marcos labor activists were assassinated outside a union hall in Seattle. On at least one occasion, CIA agents blocked FBI investigations of Philippine agents.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> By 1984, US President Ronald Reagan started distancing himself from the Marcos regime that he and previous American presidents had strongly supported even during martial law. The United States, which had provided hundreds of millions of dollars in aid, was crucial in buttressing Marcos's rule over the years,<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>

Switch from Taiwan to the People's Republic of China

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Pre-Marcos, the Philippines had maintained a close relationship with Taiwan's Kuomintang-ruled Republic of China (ROC) government. Prior administrations had seen the People's Republic of China (PRC) as a security threat, due to its financial and military support of communist rebels.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>

By 1969, however, Ferdinand Marcos started publicly asserting the need for the Philippines to establish a diplomatic relationship with the People's Republic of China. In his 1969 State of the Nation Address, he said:<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web

}}</ref>

We, in Asia must strive toward a modus vivendi with Red China. I reiterate this need, which is becoming more urgent each day. Before long, Communist China will have increased its striking power a thousand fold with a sophisticated delivery system for its nuclear weapons. We must prepare for that day. We must prepare to coexist peaceably with Communist China.{{#if:Ferdinand MarcosJanuary 1969|{{#if:|}}

— {{#if:|, in }}Template:Comma separated entries

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In June 1975, President Marcos visited the PRC and signed a Joint Communiqué normalizing relations between the Philippines and China. Among other things, the Communiqué stated that "there is but one China and that Taiwan is an integral part of Chinese territory..." In turn, Chinese Prime Minister Zhou Enlai pledged that China would not intervene in the internal affairs of the Philippines nor seek to impose its policies in Asia, a move that isolated the local communist movement that China had financially and militarily supported.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref><ref name="web.stanford.edu">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

The Washington Post, in an interview with former Philippine Communist Party officials, stated that, "they (local communist party officials) wound up languishing in China for 10 years as unwilling "guests" of the (Chinese) government, feuding bitterly among themselves and with the party leadership in the Philippines".<ref name="washingtonpost.com" />

The government subsequently captured NPA leaders Bernabe Buscayno in 1976 and Jose Maria Sison in 1977.<ref name="web.stanford.edu" />

1978 parliamentary election

By 1977, reports of "gross human rights violations" had led to pressure from the international community. US President Jimmy Carter pressured the Marcos Administration to release Ninoy Aquino and to hold parliamentary elections to demonstrate that some "normalization" had begun after the declaration of martial law.<ref name="JenFrancoElectionsandDemocratization">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp Marcos did not release Aquino, but announced that the 1978 Philippine parliamentary election would be held.<ref name="JenFrancoElectionsandDemocratization" />Template:Rp

The April 7 elections were for 166 (of the 208) regional representatives to the Interim Batasang Pambansa (parliament). The elections were contested by parties including Ninoy Aquino's new party, the Lakas ng Bayan (LABAN) and the regime's party known as the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL).

LABAN fielded 21 candidates for the Metro Manila area<ref name="Roces">Template:Cite news</ref> including Ninoy, activist Jerry Barican, labor leader Alex Boncayao,<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Neptali Gonzales, Teofisto Guingona Jr. Ramon Mitra Jr., Aquilino Pimentel Jr., journalist Napoleon Rama, publisher Alejandro Roces, and poet-playwright Francisco Rodrigo.

Irregularities noted during the election included "prestuffed ballot boxes, phony registration, 'flying voters', manipulated election returns, and vote buying",<ref name="Case2013">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp and LABAN's campaigning faced restrictions,<ref name="Case2013" /> including Marcos's refusal to let Aquino out of prison to campaign. All of the party's candidates, including Aquino, lost.

File:His excellency the President welcomes the New Zealand Prime Minister, 27 January 1980.jpg

Marcos greeting Robert Muldoon on the latter's official visit to the Philippines, 1980. New Zealand was a valuable strategic partner for the country in the last years of Marcos's rule.

Marcos's KBL party won 137 seats, while Pusyon Bisaya led by future Minority Floor Leader Hilario Davide Jr., won 13 seats.

Prime minister

In 1978, Ferdinand Marcos became Prime Minister of the Philippines, marking the return of the position for the first time since the terms of Pedro Paterno and Jorge Vargas during the American occupation. Based on Article 9 of the 1973 constitution, it had broad executive powers typical of prime ministers in other countries. The position was the official head of government, and the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. All of the previous powers of the President from the 1935 Constitution were transferred to the prime minister. The prime minister also acted as head of the National Economic Development Authority. Upon his re-election to the presidency in 1981, Marcos was succeeded as prime minister by an American-educated leader and Wharton graduate, Cesar Virata, who was elected as an Assemblyman (Member of the Parliament) from Cavite in 1978.

Proclamation 2045

After amending the constitution and enacting legislative,<ref name="Celoza1997"/>Template:Rp Marcos issued Proclamation 2045, which lifted martial law, on January 17, 1981,<ref name="GovPH-PP2045">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> without restoring habeas corpus for rebellion and subversion-related crimes. The lifting of martial law was synchronized with the election of US President Ronald Reagan and the visit of Pope John Paul II, to get support from Reagan and minimize Papal criticism.<ref name="Celoza1997"/>Template:Rp<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

Third term (1981–1986)

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File:Ferdinand Marcos and George Shultz DA-SC-84-05877.JPEG

Ferdinand Marcos with US Secretary of State George Shultz, 1982

On June 16, 1981, six months after lifting martial law, the first presidential election in twelve years was held. President Marcos ran while the major opposition parties, the United Nationalists Democratic Organizations (UNIDO), a coalition of opposition parties and LABAN, boycotted the election. Marcos won a massive victory.<ref name="Steinberg">Template:Cite book</ref>

Marcos' third inauguration took place on Tuesday, June 30, 1981, at the Quirino Grandstand in Manila.<ref>Template:Cite speech</ref> Then U.S. Vice President George H. W. Bush, Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, future President of China Yang Shangkun and Thai Prime Minister Prem Tinsulanonda attended. At the inauguration, Bush had infamous praise for Marcos: "We love your adherence to democratic principles and to the democratic process."<ref>Time (magazine) A Test for Democracy</ref>

Armed conflict with the CPP–NPA

Under martial law the Communist Party of the Philippines and the New People's army was a period of significant growth.<ref name="RebellionRepressionPh" />Template:Rp<ref name="marcosMartialLawNeverAgain" /> This continued into the 1980s. The NPA established itself in urban areas while the NDF formed relationships with legal opposition organizations – all despite Marcos' claims in January 1981 that the conflict had been "substantially contained".<ref name="Celoza1997"/>Template:Rp<ref name="GovPH-PP2045"/> The killing of key leaders in Davao City in the opening years of the 1980s led the administration to claim that the CPP "backbone" in the south had broken,"<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> But the remaining leaders soon began to experiment with new tactics including urban insurrection, leading the international press to label Davao City as the "Killing Fields", and as "the Philippines' 'Murder Capital'".<ref name="ChapmanPost">Template:Cite news</ref> The violence reached its peak in 1985 with 1,282 military and police deaths and 1,362 civilian deaths.<ref name="web.stanford.edu" />

Recession

The Marcos administration's spending had relied heavily on debt since Marcos's first term in the 60s. This left the Philippines vulnerable when high inflation caused the US to raise interest rates from 1980 to 1982, which caused US recessions in 1980 and 1981.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref name="EJGuido&CheDeLosReyes20170921">Template:Cite news</ref> The Philippine economy went into decline in 1981. Economic and political instability combined to produce the worst recession in Philippine history in 1984 and 1985, with the economy contracting by 7.3% for two successive years<ref name="EJGuido&CheDeLosReyes20170921" /> and poverty incidence at 49%.<ref name="povertyInequalityGrowthPhilippines">Template:Cite book</ref>

Aquino assassination

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File:MarcosinWashington1983.jpg

President Ferdinand Marcos in Washington in 1982

On August 21, 1983, opposition leader Benigno Aquino Jr. was assassinated on the tarmac at Manila International Airport. He had returned to the Philippines after three years in exile in the United States, where he had a heart bypass operation after Marcos allowed him to leave the Philippines to seek medical care. Prior to his heart surgery, Ninoy, along with his two co-accused, NPA leaders Bernabe Buscayno (Commander Dante) and Lt. Victor Corpuz, were sentenced to death by a military commission on charges of murder, illegal possession of firearms and subversion.<ref name="asianjournalusa.com" />

A few months before his assassination, Ninoy had decided to return to the Philippines after his research fellowship from Harvard University had ended. The opposition blamed Marcos directly for the assassination while others blamed the military and Imelda Marcos. Popular speculation pointed to three suspects; the first was Marcos himself through his military chief Fabian Ver; the second theory pointed to Imelda, who had her own designs now that her ailing husband seemed to be getting weaker, and the third was that Danding Cojuangco planned the assassination to serve his own political ambitions.<ref name="inquirerOrderedHit">Template:Cite news</ref> The 1985 acquittals of Ver as well as other high-ranking military officers charged with the crime were widely seen as a whitewash and a miscarriage of justice.Template:Citation needed

On November 22, 2007, Pablo Martinez, one of the soldiers convicted in the Aquino assassination, alleged that Marcos crony Danding Cojuangco had ordered the assassination while Marcos was recuperating from his kidney transplant. Cojuangco was the cousin of Aquino's wife Corazon Cojuangco Aquino. Martinez alleged that only he and Galman knew of the assassination, and that Galman was the actual shooter, which is not corroborated by other evidence.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

After the February 1986 People Power revolution swept Aquino's widow to the presidency, the Supreme Court ordered a reinvestigation of the assassination.<ref name=":7">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> The Sandiganbayan convicted 16 military personnel for the murder, ruling that Constable 1st Class Rogelio Moreno, one of the military escorts assigned to Aquino, "fired the fatal shot" that killed Aquino, not Galman.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref name=":7" />

Impeachment attempt

In August 1985, 56 Assemblymen signed a resolution calling for the impeachment of President Marcos for alleged diversion of US aid for personal use,<ref name="Blitz2000"/>Template:Rp citing a July 1985 San Jose Mercury News exposé of the Marcos's multimillion-dollar US investments and property holdings.

The properties included the Crown Building, Lindenmere Estate, residential apartments, a shopping center, mansions (in London, Rome, and Honolulu), the Helen Knudsen Estate, and three condominiums.

The Assembly included in the complaint the misuse and misapplication of funds "for the construction of the Manila Film Center, where X-rated and pornographic filmsTemplate:Citation needed are exhibited, contrary to public morals and Filipino customs and traditions." The impeachment attempt gained little traction, however, even in the light of this incendiary charge; the committee to which the impeachment resolution was referred did not recommend it, and any momentum for removing Marcos under constitutional processes soon died.Template:Citation needed

Physical decline

During his third term, Marcos's health deteriorated rapidly due to kidney ailments, as a complication of a chronic autoimmune disease lupus erythematosus. He had a kidney transplant in August 1983, and when his body rejected the first kidney transplant, he underwent a second transplant in November 1984.<ref name="Los Angeles Times">Template:Cite news</ref> A palace physician who alleged that during one of these periods Marcos had undergone a kidney transplant was shortly afterwards found murdered. Police said he was kidnapped and slain by communist rebels.<ref name="Los Angeles Times" /> Many people questioned whether Marcos had capacity to govern, due to his illness and the burgeoning political unrest.<ref name=wurf/>Template:Rp With Marcos ailing, Imelda emerged as the government's main public figure.

Economic performance

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Snap election, People Power Revolution, and ouster (1986)

1986 snap election

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In late 1985, in the face of escalating public discontent and under pressure from foreign allies, Marcos called a snap election with more than a year left in his term. He selected Arturo Tolentino as his running mate. The opposition to Marcos united behind two American-educated leaders, Aquino's widow, Corazon, and her running mate, Salvador Laurel.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref>

File:Corazon Aquino inauguration.jpg

Corazon Aquino, widow of the assassinated opposition leader Benigno Aquino Jr., takes the Oath of Office on February 25, 1986.

Marcos's World War II medals were first questioned by the foreign press during this campaign. During a campaign in Manila's Tondo district, Marcos retorted:<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

You who are here in Tondo and fought under me and who were part of my guerrilla organization—you answer them, these crazy individuals, especially the foreign press. Our opponents say Marcos was not a real guerrilla. Look at them. These people who were collaborating with the enemy when we were fighting the enemy. Now they have the nerve to question my war record. I will not pay any attention to their accusation.{{#if:Ferdinand MarcosJanuary 1986|{{#if:|}}

— {{#if:|, in }}Template:Comma separated entries

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Marcos was referring to both presidential candidate Corazon Aquino's father-in-law Benigno Aquino Sr. and vice presidential candidate Salvador Laurel's father, former president José P. Laurel.

The elections were held on February 7, 1986.<ref name="NSM">Template:Cite book</ref> The official election canvasser, the Commission on Elections (COMELEC), declared Marcos the winner. The final tally of the COMELEC had Marcos winning with 10,807,197 votes against Aquino's 9,291,761 votes. On the other hand, the partial 69% tally of the National Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL), an accredited poll watcher, had Aquino winning with 7,502,601 votes against Marcos's 6,787,556 votes. Cheating was reported on both sides.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> This electoral exercise was marred by widespread reports of violence and election tampering.

The fraud culminated in the walkout of 35 COMELEC computer technicians to advance their claim that the official election results were manipulated to favor Ferdinand Marcos, according to their testimonies, which were never validated. The walkout was led by Linda Kapunan<ref name="militaryIntervention1986197">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> and the technicians were protected by Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM) officers led by her husband, Lt. Col. Eduardo "Red" Kapunan.

In the last months of Marcos's administration, the Soviet Union stepped up relations and was the only major country to officially congratulate Marcos on his disputed election victory.<ref name=":14">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Marcos had provided favors to the Soviets such as allowing the banned Philippine Communist Party to visit the Soviet Union for consultations.<ref name=":14" /><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref name=":16">Template:Cite journal</ref> A UPI article from March 1986 reported, "Diplomats in Moscow believe the Soviet government totally misjudged Marcos' power to control events. They speculate that Moscow considered his control of legal bodies and his readiness to be 'ruthless' would thwart any popular opposition."<ref name=":14" />

1986 RAM coup and People Power Revolution

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The election gave a decisive boost to the "People Power movement". Enrile and Ramos later abandoned Marcos, switched sides and sought protection behind the 1986 People Power Revolution, backed by fellow-American educated Eugenio Lopez Jr., Jaime Augusto Zobel de Ayala, and the old political and economic elites. RAM, led by Lt. Col. Gregorio "Gringo" Honasan and backed by Enrile had plotted a coup d'état to seize Malacañang and kill Marcos and his family.<ref name="gringoPlot">Template:Cite news</ref>

At the height of the revolution, Enrile claimed that a purported ambush attempt against him years earlier was in fact faked, in order for Marcos to have a pretext for imposing martial law. Enrile later retracted this statement, and in 2012, he claimed that the ambush was real.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Marcos continually maintained that he was the duly elected president for a fourth term, but was unfairly and illegally deprived of his right to serve it. On February 25, 1986, rival presidential inaugurations were held,<ref>Template:Citation.</ref> but as Aquino supporters overran parts of Manila and seized state broadcaster PTV-4, Marcos was forced to flee.<ref>Template:Citation</ref>

Exile in Hawaii (1986–1989)

Fleeing to Hawaii

File:President Ronald Reagan with President of the Philippines Ferdinand Marcos and Imelda Marcos.jpg

Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos at the White House with US President Ronald Reagan in 1982

At 15:00 PST (GMT+8) on February 25, 1986, Marcos talked to United States Senator Paul Laxalt, a close associate of President Reagan, asking for advice. Laxalt advised him to "cut and cut cleanly", to which Marcos expressed his disappointment.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> In the afternoon, Marcos talked to Enrile, asking for safe passage for him and his family, including close allies such as General Ver. Finally, at 9:00 p.m., the Marcos family was transported by four Sikorsky HH-3E helicopters<ref name="Halperin">Template:Cite book</ref> to Clark Air Base in Angeles City, about 83 kilometers north of Manila, before boarding US Air Force C-130 planes bound for Andersen Air Force Base in Guam, and finally to Hickam Air Force Base in Hawaii where Marcos arrived on February 26.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> He also brought with him 22 crates of cash valued at $717 million, 300 crates of assorted jewelry, $4 million worth of unset precious gems, 65 Seiko and Cartier watches, a 12 by 4 ft box full of pearls, a 3 ft solid gold statue covered in diamonds and other precious stones, $200,000 in gold bullion, nearly $1 million in Philippine pesos, and deposit slips to banks in the United States, Switzerland, and the Cayman Islands worth $124 million.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

Initially, there was confusion in Washington as to what to do with Marcos and the 90 members of his entourage.<ref name="AP">Template:Cite news</ref> Given the special relations Marcos nurtured with Reagan, the former had expectations of favorable treatment. However, Reagan kept his distance. The State Department in turn assigned former Deputy Chief of Mission to Manila, Robert G. Rich Jr. to be the point of contact. The entourage was first billeted inside the housing facilities of Hickam Air Force Base. The State Department announced the Marcoses were not immune from legal charges, and within weeks hundreds of cases had been filed against them.<ref name="ADST - Handholding a Dictator">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

Throughout his stay in Hawaii, he and his family enjoyed a high life, living in a luxurious house in Makiki Heights, as Imelda entertained guests at parties,<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> while Filipinos back in the Philippines suffered under the debt Marcos incurred.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

When protestors stormed Malacañang Palace shortly after their departure, it was notoriously discovered that Imelda had left behind over 2,700 pairs of shoes.<ref>Template:Cite encyclopedia</ref> The protesters looted and vandalized the palace, many stole documents, jewelry, food, typewriters, etc.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

The Catholic hierarchy and Manila's middle class were crucial to the success of the revolution. Contrary to the widely-held notion that the protests were limited to Manila, protests against Marcos also occurred in the provinces and on the islands of Visayas and Mindanao.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

Plans to return and "The Marcos Tapes"

More than a year after the revolution, it was revealed to the United States House Foreign Affairs subcommittee in 1987 that Marcos held an intention to return to the Philippines and overthrow the Aquino government. American attorney Richard Hirschfeld and business consultant Robert Chastain, both of whom posed as arms dealers, gained knowledge of a plot by gaining Marcos's trust and secretly recorded their conversations with the ousted leader.

According to Hirschfeld, he was first invited by Marcos to a party held at the latter's family residence in Honolulu. After hearing that one of Hirschfeld's clients was Saudi Sheikh Mohammad Fassi, Marcos's interest was piqued because he had done business with Saudis in the past. A few weeks later, Marcos asked for help with securing a passport from another country, in order to travel to the Philippines while bypassing travel restrictions imposed by the Philippines and United States governments. This failed, however, and subsequently Marcos asked Hirschfeld to arrange a $10-million loan from Fassi.

On January 12, 1987, Marcos stated to Hirschfeld that he required another $5-million loan "in order to pay 10,000 soldiers $500 each as a form of "combat life insurance". When asked by Hirschfeld if he was talking about an invasion of the Philippines, Marcos responded, "Yes". Hirschfeld stated that Marcos said that he was negotiating with several arms dealers to purchase up to $18 million worth of weapons, including tanks and heat-seeking missiles, and enough ammunition to "last an army three months".

Marcos had thought of flying to his hometown in Ilocos Norte and initiating a plot to kidnap Corazon Aquino. "What I would like to see happen is we take her hostage", Marcos told Chastain. "Not to hurt her ... no reason to hurt her ... to take her."

Learning of this plan, Hirschfeld contacted the US Department of Justice, and was asked for further evidence. This information eventually reached President Ronald Reagan, who placed Marcos under "island arrest", further limiting his movement.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref>

Legal cases

Within two weeks of his arrival to the United States, hundreds of criminal and civil cases against the Marcos clique were filed in Hawaii, San Francisco, and New York.<ref name="ADST - Handholding a Dictator" /> Marcos made personal appeals to Reagan to put a stop to these cases. In June 1988 National Security Advisor Colin Powell recommended proceeding with indictments of the Marcoses, as he reviewed the cases as forwarded by United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York Rudy Giuliani. Reagan tacitly approved.<ref name="RRPL - Box 153">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> On August 4, Marcos stated that he had head of state immunity to resist subpoenas by a federal grand jury to produce his finger and palm prints, and failed to consent to investigators to review his bank accounts. By August 18, a bench warrant of arrest was issued against the Marcoses. By October of that year, Reagan personally wrote to Marcos informing him that he believed in his innocence of the charges against him, but reminding him that the case was out of his hands. He assured him that they would have every opportunity to prove their innocence.<ref name="RRPL - CO125">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

Giuliani pressed for indicting the Marcoses for violating the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO). The RICO Act focuses specifically on racketeering and allows the leaders of a syndicate to be tried for the crimes they ordered others to do or assisted them in doing. For example, before RICO, a person who instructed someone else to murder could be exempt from prosecution because they did not personally commit the crime. In his next letter to President Reagan on October 20, Marcos complained that Giuliani was giving them nothing but an ultimatum to plead guilty, and even to testify against others, including his own family.<ref name="RRPL - CO125" />

Personal life

Ferdinand was baptized and raised into the Philippine Independent Church.<ref name="Celoza1997"/>Template:Rp

Marcos lived with a common-law wife, Carmen Ortega, an Ilocana mestiza who was 1949 Miss Press Photography. They had three children and resided for about two years at 204 Ortega Street in San Juan. In August 1953, their engagement was announced in Manila dailies.<ref name="loveLiesLoot">Template:Cite news</ref>

Not much is known about what happened to Ortega and their children. He subsequently converted to Catholicism in later life to marry Imelda Trinidad Romualdez.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> They married on April 17, 1954, 11 days after they first met. They had three biological children: Imee, Bongbong and Irene Marcos.<ref name="govph">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Marcos's fourth child with Ortega was born after his marriage to Imelda.<ref name="conjugal" /> Marcos and Imelda later adopted a daughter, Aimee.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

Marcos had an affair with American actress Dovie Beams from 1968 to 1970. According to reports by the Sydney Morning Herald, Marcos also had an affair with former Playboy model Evelin Hegyesi around 1970 and sired a child with her, Analisa Josefa.<ref name="formerModel">Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref>

Death and burial

File:Ferdinand E. Marcos Presidential Center sign.jpg

The body of Ferdinand Marcos was stored in a refrigerated crypt at the Ferdinand E. Marcos Presidential Center in Batac, Ilocos Norte until 2016.

Marcos was admitted to the hospital on January 15, 1989, with pneumonia and underwent a series of operations.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> In his dying days, Marcos was visited by Vice President Salvador Laurel.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> During the visit, Marcos offered to return 90% of his ill-gotten wealth to the Filipino people in exchange for a burial in the Philippines beside his mother, an offer also disclosed to Enrique Zobel. However, Marcos's offer was rebuffed by the Aquino government and by Imelda.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}Template:Verify source</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

Marcos died at St. Francis Medical Center in Honolulu at 12:40 a.m (HST) on September 28, 1989, of kidney, heart, and lung ailments, 17 days after his 72nd birthday.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Moments after, the younger Ferdinand eulogised his late father by stating, "Hopefully friends and detractors alike will look beyond the man to see what he stood for: his vision, his compassion and his total love of country".<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

Marcos was interred in a private mausoleum at Byodo-In Temple on the island of Oahu.

The Aquino government refused to allow Marcos's body to be brought back to the Philippines, which ultimately happened four years later.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

From 1993 to 2016, Marcos's remains were interred inside a refrigerated, frozen crypt in Batac, Ilocos Norte, where his son, Ferdinand Jr., and eldest daughter, Imee, became the local governor and congressional representative, respectively.

A large bust of Ferdinand Marcos (inspired by Mount Rushmore) was commissioned by the tourism minister, Jose Aspiras, and carved into a hillside in Benguet. It was subsequently destroyed, allegedly by left-wing activists, members of a local tribe who had been displaced by construction of the monument, and looters hunting for the legendary Yamashita treasure.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>

File:Marcos burial Ateneans protest.jpg

Students of the Ateneo de Manila University protesting the burial of Marcos

On November 18, 2016, his remains were reburied at the Libingan ng mga Bayani ordered by President Rodrigo Duterte despite opposition from various groups. On the morning of November 18, using Philippine Armed Forces helicopters, his family and their supporters flew his remains from Ilocos to Manila for a private burial. This account was challenged and the physical location of his remains is disputed.<ref name="contested">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation

|CitationClass=web }}</ref> Various groups protested the burial.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref>

Trials and reparations

Roxas v. Marcos

Rogelio Roxas, a Filipino treasure hunter, discovered a 3-foot-tall golden Buddha statue in tunnels under the Baguio General Hospital in 1971. Roxas was later arrested and tortured by members of the military, and the statue was taken away. Upon exile of the Marcoses, Roxas assigned his rights to a friend in the United States and formed the Golden Buddha Corporation (GBC) who pursued the case against the former president. In 1996, the lower court awarded US$22 billion in favor of GBC, making this the largest award in a civil case in US history. In November 1998, the Hawaii Supreme Court overturned the ruling, but maintained an award of US$6 million for the illegal arrest and torture experienced by Roxas.<ref name="AP - $22B Award Reversed">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="uniset.ca">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

Sandiganbayan, Supreme Court, and international trials

File:Ferdinand Marcos with Emmanuel Pelaez.jpg

Ferdinand Marcos with Emmanuel Pelaez

On November 9, 2018, Imelda Marcos was found "guilty beyond reasonable doubt" by the Sandiganbayan of seven counts of graft for private organizations set up in Switzerland during her time as a government official from 1968 to 1986. In less than 20 days however, the Sandiganbayan listed Imelda's "advanced age" and health condition as considerations for allowing the accused to post bail. The Fifth Division's (of the Sandiganbayan) ruling read that "the fact that she is of advanced age and for health reasons, consistent with the doctrine in Enrile vs Sandiganbayan, bail is allowed for these seven cases".<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> The Supreme Court of the Philippines affirmed that the family's assets, beyond their government salaries, are considered as ill-gotten wealth. In 1998 the Court acquitted Imelda Marcos of corruption charges from a previous graft conviction in 1993.

The US Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals confirmed a contempt judgement in relation to the assets of Imelda and her son Bongbong. Although on a different matter, this judgement awarded $353.6 million to human rights victims, which was arguably the largest contempt award ever affirmed by an appellate court.

Reparations

In 1995, some 10,000 Filipinos won a US class-action lawsuit filed against the Marcos estate. The claims were filed by victims or their surviving relatives consequent on torture, execution, and disappearances.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref>

The Swiss government, initially reluctant to respond to allegations that stolen funds were held in Swiss accounts,<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> returned $684 million of Marcos' holdings.<ref name="star">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref>

Corazon Aquino repealed many of the repressive laws enacted during Marcos's dictatorship. She restored the right of habeas corpus, repealed anti-labor laws and freed hundreds of political prisoners.<ref name="philippinesReadr" />Template:Rp

From 1989 to 1996, a series of suits were brought before US courts against Marcos and his daughter Imee, alleging that they bore responsibility for executions, torture, and disappearances. A jury in the Ninth Circuit Court awarded US$2 billion to the plaintiffs and to a class composed of human rights victims and their families.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> On June 12, 2008, in Republic of Philippines v. Pimentel the US Supreme Court ruled 7–2 that, "The judgment of the Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit is reversed, and the case is remanded with instructions to order the District Court to dismiss the interpleader action." The court dismissed the interpleader lawsuit filed to determine the rights of 9,500 Filipino human rights victims (1972–1986) to recover US$35 million, part of a US$2 billion judgment in US courts against the Marcos estate, because the Philippines government is an indispensable party, protected by sovereign immunity. The Philippines government claimed ownership of the funds transferred by Marcos in 1972 to Arelma S.A., which invested the money with Merrill Lynch, Pierce, Fenner & Smith Inc., in New York.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref> In July 2017, the Philippine Court of Appeals rejected the petition seeking to enforce the United States court decision.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>

In 2013, Philippine Congress passed Republic Act 10368 or the Human Rights Victims Reparation and Recognition Act of 2013.<ref name=":0">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> The law created the Human Rights Violations Claims Board and provided reparations to victims of summary execution, torture, enforced disappearances, and other human rights violations.<ref name=":9">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Compensation came from P10 billion of stolen wealth seized by the government from the Marcoses.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> A total of 11,103 victims received compensation in 2018.<ref name=":0" /> A bill filed in Congress in 2020 proposed to compensate tens of thousands of people still not officially recognized as victims of state-sponsored violence.<ref name=":9" />

Legacy

Marcos left a legacy of debt, hardship, and repression.<ref name="PhilstarMarcosLegacy">Template:Cite news</ref>

Human rights abuses

{{#invoke:Labelled list hatnote|labelledList|Main article|Main articles|Main page|Main pages}}

The Marcos regime committed human rights abuses against a long list of opponents. These included student activists such as Edgar Jopson and Rigoberto Tiglao,<ref name="iSawMartialLaw">Template:Cite news</ref> farmers such as Bernabe Buscayno,<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}Template:Cbignore</ref> journalists such as Satur Ocampo,<ref name="mediaAndMartialLaw">Template:Cite speech</ref><ref name="writersJournalists">Template:Cite news</ref> legal political opponents such as Ninoy Aquino,<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> fellow candidates such as Alex Boncayao,<ref name="tortyur" /><ref name="Roces" /> and priests and nuns. Victims were commonly accused of supporting communist rebels<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> or other leftists,<ref name="auto" /> or of joining or sympathizing with the CPP, NPA, or MNLF.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> Victims were rounded up without an arrest warrant and indefinitely detained without charge.<ref name="marcosMartialLawNeverAgain" /> In a keynote speech at the University of the East, journalist Raissa Robles described how anyone could be arrested (or abducted) with ease through Arrest Search and Seizure Orders (ASSO),<ref name="whyWeShouldWorry">Template:Cite news</ref> which allowed the military or police to detain anyon,e according to Rappler research.<ref name="pcUnderMarcos">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="whatMartialLawWasLike">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

A 1976 Amnesty International report listed 88 government torturers, including members of the Philippine Constabulary and the Philippine Army, which was under the direct control of Major General Ramos and Defense Minister Enrile.<ref name="amnestyInternational1975">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref> According to Rigoberto Tiglao, nearly all of the human rights abuses were committed by Philippine Constabulary units, especially through its national network of "Constabulary Security Units", whose heads reported directly to Ramos. The most dreaded of these was the Manila-based 5th Constabulary Security Unit (CSU), which featured dreaded torturer Lt. Rodolfo Aguinaldo,<ref name="hartfordMcCoy" /><ref name="marcosMartialLawNeverAgain" /> which was credited with capturing most of the Communist Party leaders including Sison and the Manila-Rizal Regional Committee he headed;<ref name="manilatimes.net">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> the Metrocom Intelligence and Security Group (MISG)<ref name="pcUnderMarcos" /> under the command of Col. Rolando Abadilla;<ref name="hartfordMcCoy" /> and the Intelligence Service (ISAFP).<ref name="marcosMartialLawNeverAgain" />

The various estimates of the scale of abuses include:

Task Force Detainees of the Philippines (TFDP)<ref name="karinyoMilitar">Template:Cite news</ref>

• 2,668 incidents of arrests
• 398 disappearances
• 1,338 salvagings
• 128 frustrated salvagings
• 1,499 killed or wounded in massacres

Amnesty International<ref name="batasMilitar">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}Template:Cbignore</ref>

• 70,000 imprisoned
• 34,000 tortured
• 3,240 documented as killed

Historian Alfred McCoy gives a figure of 3,257 recorded extrajudicial killings by the military from 1975 to 1985, 35,000 tortured and 70,000 incarcerated.<ref name="hartfordMcCoy" /><ref name="factChecking3257">Template:Cite news</ref>

Bulatlat newspaper

• 120,000 victims of arbitrary arrest and detention
• 1,500 extrajudicial execution of activists under martial law

Human rights group Karapatan<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>

• 759 involuntarily disappeared with their bodies never found.

Susan Quimpo, co-author of Subversive Lives<ref name="subversiveLives1">Template:Cite news</ref>

• 80,000 was a low figure for the number of persons incarcerated

In addition to these, up to 10,000 Moro Muslims were killed in massacres by the Philippine Army, Philippine Constabulary, and the Ilaga pro-government paramilitary group.<ref name="pcijMindanaoMemoryMassacres">Template:Cite news</ref>

Abductions

Victims were often taken to military "safehouses"<ref name="martialLawVictimHealing">Template:Cite news</ref> where abductees were tortured,<ref name="mostUnsafe">Template:Cite news</ref> often blindfolded.<ref name="marcosMartialLawNeverAgain" /><ref name="detentionAndTorture">Template:Cite news</ref> In a document titled "Open Letter to the Filipino People", martial law martyr Edgar "Edjop" Jopson described them: "Safehouses usually have their windows always shut tight. They are usually covered with high walls. One would usually detect [safehouses] through the traffic of motorcycles and cars, going in and out of the house at irregular hours. Burly men, armed with pistols tucked in their waists or in clutch bags, usually drive these vehicles."<ref name="atenistaMarcosTortureMachine">Template:Cite news</ref>

Various forms of torture were used by the military, typically in combination.<ref name="tortyur">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

Killings

Number of "salvage" cases (TFDP)<ref name="marcosMartialLawNeverAgain" /><ref name="tfdpPumipiglas" />

Year	No. of cases
1980	139
1981	218
1982	210
1983	368
1984	538
Total	1,473

Summary executions were common. Bodies were often recovered bearing signs of torture and mutilation.<ref name="atenistaMarcosTortureMachine" /><ref name="toYoungFilipinos">Template:Cite news</ref> Such cases were referred to as "salvaging" a term widely believed to be derived from the Spanish word salvaje, meaning savage.<ref name="onSalvaging">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Mutilated remains were often dumped on roadsides in order to instill fear and to intimidate opponents.<ref name="hartfordMcCoy" />

Anyone could be "salvaged": communists, suspects, innocent civilians and priests included. TFDP documented 1,473 "salvage" cases from 1980 to 1984 alone.<ref name="marcosMartialLawNeverAgain" /><ref name="tfdpPumipiglas">Template:Cite book</ref>

Victims included Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Maynila student Liliosa Hilao,<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Archimedes Trajano, Juan Escandor,<ref name="marcosMartialLawNeverAgain" /> and 16-year-old Luis Manuel "Boyet" Mijares, whose body was found with burn marks, all his nails removed, 33 ice pick wounds, skull crushed, eyeballs gouged out, and genitals mutilated before he was dropped from a helicopter.<ref name="44yearsTooLong">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="familySecretMijares">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="marcosMartialLawNeverAgain" />

Enforced disappearances, also known as "desaparecidos" or "the disappeared" – people who suddenly went missing, sometimes without a trace and whose bodies were never recovered.<ref name="noGraveNoJustice">Template:Cite news</ref>

Victims include Primitivo "Tibo" Mijares,<ref name="44yearsTooLong" /> Emmanuel Alvarez, Albert Enriquez, Ma. Leticia Ladlad, Hermon Lagman,<ref name="44yearsTooLong" /> Mariano Lopez, Rodelo Manaog, Manuel Ontong, Florencio Pesquesa, Arnulfo Resus, Rosaleo Romano, Carlos Tayag, Emmanuel Yap,<ref name="bantayog1999">Template:Cite journal</ref> Jan Quimpo,<ref name="44yearsTooLong" /> Rizalina Ilagan, Christina Catalla, Jessica Sales and Ramon Jasul.<ref name="andManyDisappeared">Template:Cite news</ref>

While the numbers of political detainees went down, the number of people killed rose and spiked in 1981, the year martial law was officially lifted by Marcos according to Task Force Detainees of the Philippines. According to Senator Jose W. Diokno, "As torture (cases) declined, a more terrible tactic emerged; unofficial executions" – suspected dissidents were simply arrested and vanished.<ref name="marcosMartialLawNeverAgain" />

Murder victims include:

• Senator Ninoy Aquino, August 21, 1983, who was assassinated on the tarmac of Manila International Airport
• NPA commander Alex Boncayao,<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation

|CitationClass=web }}</ref>

• Macli-ing Dulag,
• Fr. Tulio Favali,<ref name="tortyur" />
• Liliosa Hilao,
• Evelio Javier,
• Edgar Jopson,
• Emmanuel "Eman" Lacaba.

Civilian massacres

File:1986 rally against the Marcos Dictatorship in which protesters hold up images of Escalante Massacre victims.jpg

Protesters hold up images of Escalante Massacre victims

It is hard to judge the full extent of massacres and atrocities that happened during the Marcos regime due to heavy press censorship at the time.<ref name="inqWarPeaceValor">Template:Cite news</ref> Civilian massacres include the following:

Civilian massacres

Location	Date	Group	Perpetrator	Casualties
Guinayangan, Quezon	February 1, 1981	citation	CitationClass=web }}</ref> marched against the coco levy fund scam.<ref name="marcosMartialLawNeverAgain" /> ||The military opened fire on a group of 3000<ref name="marcosMartialLawNeverAgain" /> ||2 dead<ref name="GavilanMassacresList">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation	CitationClass=web }}</ref> and 27 wounded.<ref name="inqMartialLawMassacres">Template:Cite news</ref>
Tudela, Misamis Occidental	August 24, 1981	The Gumapons Subanon family	Paramilitary members of the "Rock Christ", a fanatical pseudo-religious sect	10 of the 12 persons in the house were killed, including an infant.<ref name="inqMartialLawMassacres" /><ref>Template:Cite report</ref>
Las Navas, Northern Samar	September 15, 1981	(Sag-od massacre) residents of Barrio Sag-od	18 heavily armed security men of the San Jose Timber Corp. (owned by Enrile) who were also members of the Special Forces of the Civilian Home Defense Force (CHDF) and allied with the Lost Command (a paramilitary group pursuing insurgents)	45 men, women and children killed. 13 inhabitants survived.<ref name="marcosMartialLawNeverAgain" /><ref name="inqMartialLawMassacres" />
Culasi, Antique	December 19, 1981	400+ Culasi's mountain barangays protest a Philippine Constabulary company in their area and the reduction of taxes on farm products.	Military	Five dead and several injured<ref name="inqMartialLawMassacres" />
Talugtug, Nueva Ecija	January 3, 1982	Five men rounded up were killed	Military	The military suspected them to be communist supporters.<ref name="inqMartialLawMassacres" />
Dumingag, Zamboanga del Sur	February 12, 1982	Possible NPA members	Ilaga	12 dead.<ref name="inqMartialLawMassacres" />
Hinunangan, Southern Leyte	March 23, 1982	Masaymon barrio	357th PC company	8 dead. Six were 3–18 years of age<ref name="inqMartialLawMassacres" />
Bayog, Zamboanga del Sur	May 25, 1982	Barangay Dimalinao	Airplanes bombed the community because communist rebels killed 23 soldiers two days earlier.<ref name="marcosMartialLawNeverAgain" />	Initially 3 dead, 8 injured. Later 2 more dead.
Daet, Camarines Norte	June 14, 1982	People from different barrios marched to denounce "fake elections", Cocofed, and to demand an increase in copra prices.	Military	6 dead, 50+ injured<ref name="inqMartialLawMassacres" />
Pulilan, Bulacan	June 21, 1982	Peasant organizers	Military - 175th PC Company	5 dead<ref name="inqMartialLawMassacres" />
Labo, Camarines Norte	June 23, 1982	Unidentified men	45th Infantry Battalion's Mabilo detachment	5 dead.<ref name="inqMartialLawMassacres" />
Roxas, Zamboanga del Norte		Family members<ref name="marcosMartialLawNeverAgain" /><ref name="inqMartialLawMassacres" />	Military/militia	8 dead
Gapan, Nueva Ecija		Bautista family	Unidentified men in camouflaged uniforms	5 dead<ref name="marcosMartialLawNeverAgain" /><ref name="inqMartialLawMassacres" />
Escalante, Negros Occidental	September 20, 1985	Escalante massacre<ref name="bulatlat-Escalante" /> 5000 farmers, students, fisherfolk, and religious clergy	About 50 firemen, Regional Special Action Forces (RSAF) and Civilian Home Defense Force (CHDF)	citation	CitationClass=web }}</ref>

Muslim massacres

Thousands of Moros were killed during the Marcos regime. They formed insurgent groups and separatist movements such as the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), which became more radical with time.<ref name="inqMuslimsMartialLaw">Template:Cite news</ref> The Marcos regime killed hundreds of Moros before imposing martial law.<ref name="abscbnTacubMassacre">Template:Cite news</ref> The number of Moro victims killed by the Army, Philippine Constabulary, and the Ilaga (a government-sanctioned<ref name="veraPalimbangMassacre">Template:Cite news</ref> terrorist cult notorious for cannibalism and land grabbing that served as members of the CHDF)<ref name="inqMartialLawMassacres" /> reached as high as 10,000 lives.<ref name="pcijMindanaoMemoryMassacres" /><ref>Template:Cite thesis</ref>

Known massacres of Moros

Name	Date	Perpetrator	Casualties	Context
Jabidah Massacre	March 1968		11 to 68 killed	Aftermath of an aborted operation to destabilize Sabah, Operation Merdeka.
Multiple	1970-1971	pro-government militias such as the Ilaga	21 massacres 518 dead, 184 injured and 243 houses burned down.<ref name="inqMorosRecallMassacres">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="pcijMindanaoMemoryMassacres" />
Tacub Massacre in Kauswagan, Lanao del Norte	1971	Dozens dead	Military	five truckloads of displaced resident voters were stopped at a checkpoint. Summary execution.<ref name="abscbnTacubMassacre" />
Manili massacre	June 1971	suspected Ilaga and Philippine Constabulary	70-79 dead	including women and children, killed inside a mosque.<ref name="inqMorosRecallMassacres" />
The Burning of Jolo, Sulu<ref name="inqWarPeaceValor" />	February 7–8, 1974	1,000 and possibly up to 20,000 dead	Military	fires and destruction in Jolo .<ref name="inqJoloToMarawi">Template:Cite news</ref> "the worst single atrocity to be recorded in 16 years of the Mindanao conflict" by the April 1986 issue of the Philippines Dispatch.<ref name="philippinesDispatchBurningJolo">Template:Cite news</ref>
Malisbong Massacre	September 1974	1,500 men were killed inside a mosque, 3,000 women and children were detained, and about 300 women raped<ref name="inqMorosRecallMassacres" />	Philippine Constabulary
Pata Island massacre	1982	3,000 Tausug civilians, including women and children dead	Military<ref name="inqMorosRecallMassacres" />
Tong Umapoy Massacre	1983	57 dead	Navy	attacked a passenger boat en route to an athletic event in Bongao, Tawi-Tawi.<ref name="veraPalimbangMassacre" />

Family denial

{{#invoke:Labelled list hatnote|labelledList|Main article|Main articles|Main page|Main pages}}

Marcos family members deny any human rights violations.<ref name="martialLawHorrorsFabricated">Template:Cite news</ref>

Bongbong Marcos describes stories of human rights abuses as "self-serving statements by politicians, self-aggrandizement narratives, pompous declarations, and political posturing and propaganda."<ref name="mlLateStrongmanSon">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="enrilesMemoir">Template:Cite news</ref>

Imee called the allegations political accusations. According to her, "If what is demanded is an admission of guilt, I don't think that's possible. Why would we admit to something we did not do?"<ref name="politicalAccusations">Template:Cite news</ref>

Ill-gotten wealth

{{#invoke:Labelled list hatnote|labelledList|Main article|Main articles|Main page|Main pages}} Template:See alsoIn 2012, the Philippine Supreme Court ruled all Marcos assets beyond legally declared earnings/salary to be ill-gotten wealth<ref name="scImeldaMarcosvsRP">Template:Cite court</ref> and such wealth to have been forfeited to the government or human rights victims.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>

According to the Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCOG), the Marcos family and their cronies looted so much wealth from the Philippines that investigators have not determined precisely how many billions were stolen.<ref name="NYTimesHuntForMarcosBillions">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> PCOG estimated that Marcos stole around $5 billion to $10 billion,<ref name="theDiplomatEndof30">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref name="marcosMissingMillions">Template:Cite magazine</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref> while earning an annual salary equivalent to US$13,500.<ref name="The10BQuestion">Template:Cite news</ref>

Among the sources of the Marcos wealth are alleged to be diverted foreign aid, military aid (including to Marcos for sending Filipino troops to Vietnam) and kickbacks from public works contracts.<ref name="timeTakingTollMartialLawVictims">Template:Cite news</ref>

In 1990, Imelda Marcos was acquitted of charges that she raided the Philippine treasury by a US jury. She was acquitted because the jury deemed that US did not have jurisdiction.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref> In 1993, she was convicted of graft in Manila for entering into three unfavourable lease contracts between a government-run transportation agency and another government-run hospital.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> In 1998, the Philippine Supreme Court overturned her conviction.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> In 2008, Philippine trial court judge Silvino Pampilo acquitted Imelda of 32 counts of illegal money transfer<ref name="nyTimesImeldaAcquitted">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> from the 1993 graft conviction.<ref name="imeldaGraft1993">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> In 2010, she was ordered to repay the Philippine government almost $280,000 for funds taken in 1983.<ref name="imeldaMarcosFastFacts">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> In 2012, a US Court of Appeals of the Ninth Circuit upheld a contempt judgement against Imelda and Bongbong for violating an injunction barring them from dissipating their assets, and awarded $353.6 million to human rights victims.<ref name="marcosLosesUSAppeal">Template:Cite news</ref> As of October 2015, she faced 10 graft charges, and 25 civil cases,<ref name="wsj.com">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="newsinfo.inquirer.net">Template:Cite news</ref> down from 900 in the 1990s, as most cases were dismissed for lack of evidence.<ref name="gmanetwork.com">Template:Cite news</ref>Template:Update after

In the 2004 Global Corruption Report, Marcos appeared in the list of the world's most corrupt leaders, behind Suharto.<ref name="transparency.org">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> One of Marcos's former Ministers of industry, Vicente Paterno,<ref name="paterno1">Template:Cite book</ref> noted that while the amount stolen by Marcos's regime probably fell short of Suharto, Marcos invested outside the Philippines, whereas Suharto mostly invested at home.<ref name="paterno1" />

The International Consortium of Investigative Journalists' (ICIJ) exposé of offshore leaks accused Imee of hiding wealth in tax havens in the British Virgin Islands.<ref name="ICIJ Secret Files Expose">Template:Cite news</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

In 2014, Imelda's former secretary Vilma Bautista was sentenced to prison for conspiring to sell a Monet, Sisley, and other masterpieces.<ref name="inqMarcosSecretaryMonet">Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref>

On May 9, 2016, ICIJ released the Panama Papers.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Imee and Irene<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> were named, along grandsons Fernando Manotoc, Matthew Joseph Manotoc, and Ferdinand Richard Manotoc, his son-in-law Gregorio Maria Araneta III,<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> including his son-in-law Tommy Manotoc's relatives Ricardo Gabriel Manotoc and Teodoro Kalaw Manotoc.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

On September 3, 2017, then President Rodrigo Duterte said the Marcos family was ready to transfer their wealth to the government.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> In January 2018, a draft House Bill proposing a settlement and immunity for the Marcoses was received by the Duterte government in July 2017.<ref name="cnnMarcosDealDuterte">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="fbDuterteMarcosHousebill">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}Template:Cbignore</ref>

Monopolies

File:Marcos in Washington 1983.jpg

Ferdinand Marcos in Washington, 1983

Infrastructure and edifices

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File:Dagupan Bus Aircon at NLEX 1999 - Flickr.jpg

A 1999 view of the San Fernando segment of North Luzon Expressway, one of Marcos's infrastructure projects

Marcos projected himself to the public as building vast construction projects, and his record upholds that reputation.<ref name="Kasaysayan9ch10" />Template:Rp A 2011 study Marcos was the president who spent the most on infrastructure in terms of annual spending.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref> Most of these projects were paid for with foreign currency loans<ref name="theMarcosDebt">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="theEdificeComplex" /> at great cost to taxpayers.<ref name="gma7edifice" /><ref name="Romero2008" />Template:Rp

Projects included hospitals<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> such as the Philippine Heart Center, Lung Center, and Kidney Center, transportation infrastructure like San Juanico Bridge (formerly Marcos Bridge), Pan-Philippine Highway, North Luzon Expressway, South Luzon Expressway,<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> and Manila Light Rail Transit (LRT). Cultural and heritage sites including the Cultural Center of the Philippines, Nayong Pilipino, Philippine International Convention Center and the ill-fated Manila Film Center were built as well.

This focus on infrastructure eventually earned the label "edifice complex".<ref name="theEdificeComplex">Template:Cite book</ref><ref name="gma7edifice">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="Lico2003" />

Marcos' spending on construction has been claimed to be intended to position Imelda Marcos as a patron of the arts.<ref name="Kasaysayan9ch12">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp This effort was so large that by 1977–1980, projects in the "conspicuous capital outlays" category had ballooned from a negligible amount to 20% of the Philippines' capital outlays.<ref name="Romero2008">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp

These projects were typically constructed on a rush basis,<ref name="Kasaysayan9ch12" />Template:Rp often compromising structural safety.<ref name=":4">Template:Cite news</ref>

The most controversial projects included

• Cultural Center of the Philippines (CCP) Complex, a 77-hectare<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation

|CitationClass=web }}</ref> reclaimed property in Pasay.<ref name=":3" /> He appointed a seven-member board of trustees, who elected Imelda as its chair.<ref name=":3" /> The budget grew from P15 million to P63 million.<ref name=":3">Template:Cite news</ref>

• The San Juanico Bridge is part of the Pan-Philippine Highway and links the provinces of Leyte and Samar. At Template:Convert in length, it is the Philippines longest bridge over water.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Construction began in 1969. It was inaugurated on July 2, 1973, in time for Imelda Marcos's birthday. The $22 million construction cost was acquired through Japanese Official Development Assistance loans.<ref name=":6">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation

|CitationClass=web }}</ref>

• The Manila Film Center began construction in January 1981 and cost $25 million.<ref name=":4" /><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation

|CitationClass=web }}</ref> To meet the January 1982 deadline for the Manila International Film Festival, 4,000 workers were employed to work three 24-hour nonstop shifts. The lobby was constructed in 72 hours by 1,000 workers.<ref name=":4" /> A scaffolding collapsed on November 17, 1981, killing multiple workers. Rescuers and ambulances were kept away for 9 hours after the incident.<ref name=":4" />

Marcos's signature agricultural program, Masagana 99, launched on May 21, 1973,<ref name="Bettina">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="GovPH-PD27">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> to address a rice shortage.<ref name="MiguelPaoloJoelandLarah">Template:Cite news</ref> Its goal was to raise yield from 40 to 99 cavans (4.4 tons) per hectare.<ref name=":15">Template:Cite journal</ref> The program pushed farmers to use high-yield seeds, fertilizer, and herbicides.<ref name="MiguelPaoloJoelandLarah" /> Initial success came from encouraging farmers to plant "Miracle Rice" (IR8),<ref name="Rowlatt20161201">Template:Cite news</ref> which funded by the Rockefeller and Ford foundations, and the UP College of Agriculture through IRRI,<ref name="Chandler1992">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp which had been under development since 1962.<ref name="BillGanzel">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> This increased rice production from 3.7 to 7.7 million tons in two decades and made the Philippines a rice exporter for the first time in the 20th century.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref name=":15" /> The required switch to IR8 required more fertilizers and pesticides, helping multinationals, but not small, peasant farmers who often remained in poverty.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>

Although Masagana 99 showed promising results, the years from 1965 to 1986 showed a complete paradox of events. The income per capita rose, the economy was growing, yet people were impoverished. The American economist James K. Boyce refers to his as an example of "immiserizing growth", when economic growth, and political and social conditions, are such that the rich get absolutely richer and the poor become absolutely poorer.<ref name="Marcos' Green Revolution">Template:Cite news</ref>Template:Better source needed The World Bank reported that crops (rice, corn, coconut, sugar), livestock and poultry and fisheries grew at an average rate of 6.8%, 3% and 4.5%, respectively from 1970 to 1980, and while the forestry sector declined by an annual average rate of 4.4% through the 1970s.<ref>Template:Cite report</ref>

Logging and deforestation

The Marcos administration marked a period of intense logging,<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> with commercial logging accounting for 5% of GDP product in the first half of the 1970s. This was the result of Japanese construction demand.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref> Timber products became a top export, but little attention was paid to deforestation's environmental impacts.<ref name="grafStaggering3">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="BoycePolEcoEnvironment">Template:Cite book</ref>

In the early 1980s, forestry collapsed because most accessible forests had been depleted – of 12 million hectares of forestland, about 7 million had been harvested.<ref name="grafStaggering3"/><ref name="BoycePolEcoEnvironment"/> The rate of forest destruction was about Template:Convert per year during the 1960s and 1970s, such that by 1981, the Food and Agriculture Organization classified 2 million hectares of Philippine forests "severely degraded and incapable of regeneration".<ref name="ShairaDeforestation">Template:Cite news</ref>

Heavy industrialization

In 1979, Marcos added 11 heavy industrialization projects<ref name="csmonotor19800919elevenindustrial">Template:Cite news</ref> to the economic agenda. The priority projects were:<ref name="csmonotor19800919elevenindustrial" />

• aluminum smelter
• copper smelter<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation

|CitationClass=web }}</ref>

• integrated petrochemical complex<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation

|CitationClass=web }}</ref>

• integrated pulp and paper plant
• integrated steel mill
• phosphatic fertilizer plant
• alcogas industry
• cement industry expansion
• coconut industry integration
• diesel engine manufacturing
• nuclear power plant

Other industrialization projects during the Marcos administration included 17 hydroelectric<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> and geothermal power plants.<ref name="energy.com.ph">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> The commissioning of the Tongonan 1 and Palinpinon 1 geothermal plants in 1983 made the Philippines the world's second largest geothermal producers.<ref name="energy.com.ph" /><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

Nuclear Power

The Bataan Nuclear Power Plant (BNPP) is one of Marcos' six planned nuclear power plants.<ref name=":5">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> It stands in Morong, Bataan, atop Napot Point that overlooks the South China Sea. Construction completed in 1985.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

In 1974, National Power was negotiating with General Electric. However, Westinghouse energy company, hired Herminio Disini, a friend of Ferdinand Marcos to lobby for them. Westinghouse made a direct offer to supply a plant with two 620 MW reactors at a price of $500 million. The price estimate was raised to around $650 million because of such as fuel and transmission lines.<ref name=":5" /> Westinghouse won the deal. By March 1975, the price had increased to $1.1 billion.<ref name=":5" />

Numerous issues regarding safety and usability have emerged. After the Three Mile Island incident, construction stopped. A safety inquiry revealed over 4,000 defects.<ref name=":5" /> The site was near the open sea and the then-dormant Mount Pinatubo, and was within 25 miles of three geological faults.<ref name=":5" /> The project was discontinued in 1986 following the Chernobyl disaster.<ref name=":4" />

Costs passed $2.3 million; loans were paid off only in April 2017, although maintaining the plant costs P40 million a year.<ref name=":4" />

Educational system

Marcos emphasized educational infrastructure during his first presidential term. He was more willing than previous presidents to use foreign loans to fund construction projects allowing him to construct more roads and school buildings than any previous administration.<ref name="Kasaysayan9ch10" />Template:Rp

47 colleges and universities were established during Marcos's 21-year administration.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

The Philippine education system underwent two major periods of restructuring under Marcos: first in 1972 with Bagong Lipunan (New Society) and again in 1981 when the Fourth Philippine Republic was established.<ref name="Maca2018EducationLaborExport">Template:Cite journal Maca, 2018.</ref>

Bagong Lipunan marked the first major restructuring of Philippine education since Americans arrived around 1900.<ref name="Maca2018EducationLaborExport" /> It reoriented the teaching of civics and history<ref name="Maca2018EducationLaborExport" /><ref>Template:Cite book</ref> so that it would reflect Bagong Lipunan's ideology of constitutional authoritarianism.<ref name="NaveraMetaphorizingMartialLaw" /><ref name="PalgraveNewHistoryofSEA">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Rp In addition, it attempted to synchronize the curriculum with the administration's economic strategy of labor export.<ref name="Maca2018EducationLaborExport" />

The second restructuring in 1981 failed as the administration was distracted by economic crises.<ref name="Maca2018EducationLaborExport" />

Metro Manila

In 1975, Marcos issued Presidential Decree No. 824, placing the four cities and thirteen municipalities near the Province of Manila under the administration of the Metro Manila Commission (MMC).<ref name="PD824">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

The appointed head of the MMC was called a "governor".<ref name="notmmc">Template:Cite news</ref> Marcos appointed Imelda as governor in 1976.<ref name="ButterfieldGov">Template:Cite news</ref>

The governorship was the republic's second most powerful office. Metro Manila then accounted for around 20% of the country's population and at least 70% of GDP. Its budget is second to the national government.<ref name=":1" />Template:Better source needed This increase in Imelda's political power led Carlos P. Romulo to describe her as the Philippines' "de facto vice president".<ref name="ButterfieldGov" />

The US–Marcos relationship

File:The Marcoses and the Johnsons dancing.jpg

Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos with the Johnsons in 1966

File:Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos with the Nixons.jpg

Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos with the Nixons in 1969

All five American presidents from 1965 to 1985 maintained the US–Marcos relationship, mainly to protect and retain access to US military bases. However, the Philippines was just one of many US allies, while the US was the Philippines' only patron. Marcos worked to maintain close relations with the US. He relied on this connection to sustain his regime.<ref name=":10">Template:Cite journal</ref>

Marcos strengthened his ties to the US government by actions such as sending two engineer battalions to the US in the Vietnam War. After South Vietnam fell, President Ford sought better security assistance from allies, such as the Philippines, while President Carter wanted to retain US military bases in the Philippines to guard the West's oil supply line from the Middle East.<ref name=":10" />

To obtain additional aid, Marcos often leveraged threats that caught US attention. To secure aid for his campaign, Marcos threatened to search every visiting American naval vessel. The US responded by assisting his campaign indirectly, injecting millions into the government's banking system.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>

In another instance, when US military bases became an issue in the Philippines in1969, Marcos secretly assured the US he had no desire for an American withdrawal. He had received warnings from the Philippine embassy that US aid was at risk in Congress. Marcos returned to the implied threats. In one speech, he stated that the bases were a threat to regional peace and security, while reminding the US of its "solemn obligation" to continue aid.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> In the last weeks of the Ford administration, Marcos rejected the US offer of $1 billion in mixed grants and loans as too small.Template:Citation needed

Books

Marcos published various books during his term from 1970 to 1983, and a final offering was published posthumously, in 1990.<ref name="iLib">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Apparently these books were written by ghostwriters,<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref> notably Adrian Cristobal.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref>

• National Discipline: the Key to Our Future (1970)
• Today's Revolution: Democracy (1971)
• Notes on the New Society of the Philippines (1973)
• Tadhana: the history of the Filipino People (1977, 1982)
• The democratic revolution in the Philippines (1977)
• Five years of the new society (1978)
• President Ferdinand E. Marcos on law, development and human rights (1978)
• President Ferdinand E. Marcos on agrarian reform (1979)
• An Ideology for Filipinos (1980)
• An introduction to the politics of transition (1980)
• Marcos's Notes for the Cancun Summit, 1981 (1981)
• Progress and Martial Law (1981)
• The New Philippine Republic: A Third World Approach to Democracy (1982)
• Toward a New Partnership: The Filipino Ideology (1983)
• A Trilogy on the Transformation of Philippine Society (1990)

Recognition

• File:PHI Legion of Honor 2003 Chief Commander BAR.svg Chief Commander of the Philippine Legion of Honor (September 11, 1972)<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
• Man of the Year 1965, Philippine Free Press (January 1, 1966)<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation

|CitationClass=web }}</ref>

• File:Order of the Knights of Rizal Ribbon.png Knight Grand Cross of Rizal of the Order of the Knights of Rizal.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation

|CitationClass=web }}</ref>

• Template:Flag: Grand Cross of the Order of the Equatorial Star
• Template:Flag: Grand Cordon of the Supreme Order of the Chrysanthemum (September 20, 1966)<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
• Template:Flag: Order of the Star of the Romanian Socialist Republic (April 9, 1975)<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
• Template:Flag: First Class (Honorary) of the Order of Temasek (January 15, 1974)<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation

|CitationClass=web }}</ref>

• Template:Flag:
  • Knight of the Collar of the Order of Isabella the Catholic (December 22, 1969)<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
  • Grand Cross of the Order of Military Merit
• Template:Flag: Knight of the Most Auspicious Order of the Rajamitrabhorn (January 15, 1968)<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>
• Template:Flag: First Class (Adipurna) of the Star of the Republic of Indonesia (January 12, 1968)<ref>Template:Citation</ref>
• Marcos and Imelda, were jointly credited in 1989 by Guinness World Records with the largest-ever theft from a government (an estimated 5 billion to 10 billion US dollars),<ref name="guinness1989">Template:Cite book</ref> a record that remained unbroken as of 2022.<ref name="guiness2020" />

See also

• Bantayog ng mga Bayani
• Conjugal dictatorship
• Corruption in the Philippines
• Economic history of the Philippines (1965–1986)
• Ferdinand Marcos's cult of personality
• Kleptocracy
• Rolex 12
• List of films about martial law under Ferdinand Marcos
• List of South East Asian people by net worth

Further reading

• Template:Cite book
• Bonner, Raymond (1987). Waltzing with a Dictator: The Marcoses and the Making of American Policy. Times Books, New York Template:ISBN
• Salonga, Jovito (2001). Presidential Plunder: The Quest for Marcos Ill-gotten Wealth. Regina Pub. Co., Manila
• Seagrave, Sterling (1988): The Marcos Dynasty, HarperCollins
• Library of Congress Country Studies: Philippines. The Inheritance from Marcos

External links

• The Martial Law Memorial Museum
• Digital Museum of Martial Law in the Philippines
• The Marcos Regime Research (MRR) program by the University of the Philippines Third World Studies Center
• The Martial Law Chronicles Project
• The Philippine Martial Law Human Rights Violations Victims' Memorial Commission Freedom Memorial website
• Template:Webarchive
• Template:Webarchive
• Template:Webarchive
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