Hassan al-Turabi

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}}{{#if:|{{#ifeq:{{#ifeq:|no|yes}}|yes||}} }}{{#if:|{{#ifeq:{{#ifeq:|no|yes}}|yes||}} }}{{#if:|{{#if:||{{#ifeq:{{#ifeq:|no|yes}}|yes||}}}} }}{{#invoke:Check for unknown parameters|check|unknown=Template:Main other|preview=Page using Template:Infobox officeholder with unknown parameter "_VALUE_"|ignoreblank=y| regexp1 = 1blankname[%d]* | regexp2 = 1namedata[%d]* | regexp3 = 2blankname[%d]* | regexp4 = 2namedata[%d]* | regexp5 = 3blankname[%d]* | regexp6 = 3namedata[%d]* | regexp7 = 4blankname[%d]* | regexp8 = 4namedata[%d]* | regexp9 = 5blankname[%d]* | regexp10 = 5namedata[%d]* | allegiance | alma_mater | regexp11 = alongside[%d]* | alt | regexp12 = ambassador_from[%d]* | regexp13 = appointed[%d]* | regexp14 = appointer[%d]* | regexp15 = assembly[%d]* | awards | battles | battles_label | birth_date | birth_name | birth_place | birthname | regexp16 = blank[%d]* | bodyclass | branch | branch_label | cabinet | candidate | caption | categories | regexp17 = chancellor[%d]* | children | citizenship | regexp18 = co%-leader[%d]* | commands | committees | regexp19 = constituency[%d]* | regexp20 = constituency_AM[%d]* | regexp21 = constituency_MP[%d]* | regexp22 = convocation[%d]* | regexp23 = country[%d]* | regexp24 = data[%d]* | date | death_cause | death_date | death_manner | death_place | demo | regexp25 = deputy[%d]* | regexp26 = district[%d]* | education | election_date | embed | father | regexp28 = firstminister[%d]* | footnotes | regexp29 = governor[%d]* | regexp30 = governor_general[%d]* | regexp31 = governor%-general[%d]* | height | honorific_prefix | honorific-prefix | honorific_suffix | honorific-suffix | image | image name | image_name_alt | image_size | imagesize | image_upright | incumbent | regexp32 = jr/sr[%d]* | regexp33 = jr/sr and state[%d]* | known_for | regexp34 = leader[%d]* | regexp35 = legislature[%d]* | regexp36 = lieutenant[%d]* | regexp37 = lieutenant_governor[%d]* | mainwidth | regexp38 = majority[%d]* | regexp39 = majority_floor_leader[%d]* | regexp40 = majority_leader[%d]* | regexp41 = majorityleader[%d]* | mawards | regexp42 = military_blank[%d]* | regexp43 = military_data[%d]* | regexp44 = minister[%d]* | regexp45 = minister_from[%d]* | regexp46 = minority_floor_leader[%d]* | regexp47 = minority_leader[%d]* | regexp48 = minorityleader[%d]* | regexp49 = module[%d]* | regexp50 = monarch[%d]* | mother | name | nationality | native_name | native_name_lang | nickname | nocat | regexp51 = nominator[%d]* | nominee | occupation | regexp52 = office[%d]* | opponent | regexp53 = order[%d]* | otherparty | parents | regexp54 = parliament[%d]* | regexp55 = parliamentarygroup[%d]* | partner | party | party_election | portfolio | regexp56 = preceded[%d]* | regexp57 = preceding[%d]* | regexp58 = predecessor[%d]* | regexp59 = premier[%d]* | regexp60 = president[%d]* | regexp61 = primeminister[%d]* | regexp62 = prior_term[%d]* | profession | pronunciation | rank | rank_label | relations | relatives | residence | resting_place | resting_place_coordinates | restingplace | restingplacecoordinates | regexp63 = riding[%d]* | runningmate | salary | serviceyears | serviceyears_label | signature | signature_alt | signature_size | smallimage | smallimage_alt | source | speaker | speaker_office | spouse | spouses | regexp64 = state[%d]* | regexp65 = state_assembly[%d]* | regexp66 = state_delegate[%d]* | regexp67 = state_house[%d]* | regexp68 = state_legislature[%d]* | regexp69 = state_senate[%d]* | regexp70 = status[%d]* | regexp71 = suboffice[%d]* | regexp72 = subterm[%d]* | regexp73 = succeeded[%d]* | regexp74 = succeeding[%d]* | regexp75 = successor[%d]* | regexp76 = taoiseach[%d]* | regexp77 = term[%d]* | regexp78 = term_end[%d]* | regexp79 = term_label[%d]* | regexp80 = term_start[%d]* | regexp81 = termend[%d]* | regexp82 = termlabel[%d]* | regexp83 = termstart[%d]* | regexp84 = title[%d]* | unit | unit_label | regexp85 = vicegovernor[%d]* | regexp86 = vicepremier[%d]* | regexp87 = vicepresident[%d]* | regexp88 = viceprimeminister[%d]* | regexp89 = assuming[%d]* | website | width | year }} Hassan al-Turabi (Template:Langx; 1 February 1932 – 5 March 2016) was a Sudanese politician and scholar. He was the alleged architect of the 1989 Sudanese military coup that overthrew Sadiq al-Mahdi and installed Omar al-Bashir as president.<ref name="Walsh-coup-21-7-20"/><ref name="GSNIF-1989" /> He has been called "one of the most influential figures in modern Sudanese politics"<ref name=Natsios-85/> and a "longtime hard-line ideological leader".<ref name=appendix>The Appendix of the 9/11 Commission Report</ref> He was instrumental in institutionalizing Sharia (Islamic law) in the northern part of the country and was frequently imprisoned in Sudan, but these "periods of detention" were "interspersed with periods of high political office".<ref name="gs">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

al-Turabi was leader of the National Islamic Front (NIF) (which later changed its name to National Congress in the late 1990s<ref name="GSNIF">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>), a political movement that developed considerable political power in Sudan while never obtaining significant popularity among Sudanese voters. It embraced a "top down" approach to Islamisation by placing party members in high posts in government and security services. al-Turabi and the NIF reached the peak of their power from 1989 following a military coup d'état, until 2001, as what Human Rights Watch have called "the power behind the throne",<ref name=turabi-hrw/> head of the only Sunni Islamist movement to take control of a state.<ref name=kepel-184>Template:Cite book</ref>

al-Turabi oversaw highly controversial policies such as the creation of the "NIF police state" and associated NIF militias that consolidated Islamist power and prevented a popular uprising, but according to Human Rights Watch committed many human rights abuses, including "summary executions, torture, ill treatment, arbitrary detentions, denial of freedoms of speech, assembly, and religion, and violations of the rules of war, particularly in the south".<ref name=turabi-hrw/> Turabi was a leader of opposition to the American–Saudi "coalition forces" in the Gulf War, establishing in 1990–1991 the Popular Arab and Islamic Congress (PAIC), a regional umbrella for political Islamist militants, headquartered in Khartoum.<ref name=turabi-hrw/>

After 1996, al-Turabi and his party's "internationalist and ideological wing" saw a decline in influence in favor of more pragmatic leaders, brought on by the imposition of UN sanctions on Sudan in punishment for Sudan's assistance to Egyptian Islamic Jihad in their attempt to assassinate Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak. al-Turabi was out of power beginning in 1999, leading a splinter group of the National Congress known as the Popular National Congress.<ref name=phow-1395/> He was imprisoned by Omar Al-Bashir on 17 January 2011 for nine days, following civil unrest across the Arab world.<ref name=phow-1395>Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Chris Stefanowicz, Crackdown in Khartoum: as Jasmine Filters down the Nile, al-Turabi is Arrested Again. Template:Webarchive Think Africa Press Template:Webarchive. 24 January 2011</ref> He died in 2016 without facing trial for his role in the 1989 coup.<ref name="Walsh-coup-21-7-20">Template:Cite news</ref>

Early life and educationEdit

al-Turabi was born on 1 February 1932 in Kassala,<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> eastern Sudan, to a Sufi Muslim sheikh, and received an Islamic education,<ref name="BBC">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> before coming to Khartoum in 1951 to study law and joined the Muslim Brotherhood as a student.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> He graduated from Khartoum University School of Law in 1955 and also studied in London and at the Sorbonne in Paris in 1962, where he gained a PhD.<ref name=BBC/> He became a leader of the Sudanese Muslim Brotherhood in the early 1960s.<ref name="turabi-hrw">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> He is a descendant of a famous 17th-century religious sheikh, Hamad al-Turabi.

Religious and political beliefsEdit

Turabi's writings, rhetoric, sermons, and public pronouncements have often been described as progressive, theologically liberal,<ref name=fuller-108/> "moderate and thoughtful",<ref name=Natsios-85/> but his time in power was notable for harsh human rights violations.<ref name=fuller-108>Fuller,The Future of Political Islam, (2003), pp. 108–09</ref> The diplomat Andrew Natsios explained these contradictions by claiming that he took more moderate positions when being interviewed by English and French-speaking interviewers when compared to his speeches to his fellow Islamists.<ref name=Natsios-85>Template:Cite book</ref>

al-Turabi's philosophy drew selectively from Sudanese, Islamic, and Western political thought to fashion an ideology for the pursuit of power.<ref name="loc20152" /> al-Turabi supported Sharia and the concept of an Islamic state, but his vision was not Wahhabi or Salafi.<ref name="loc20152" /> He appreciated that the majority of Sudanese followed Sufi Islam, which he set out to change with new ideas.<ref name="loc20152" /> He did not extend legitimacy to Sufis, Mahdists, and Islamic scholars, whom he saw as incapable of addressing the challenges of modern life.<ref name="loc20152" /> One of the strengths of his vision was to consider different trends in Islam.<ref name="loc20152" /> Although the political base for his ideas was probably relatively small, he had an important influence on Sudanese politics and religion.<ref name="loc20152" />

His views on the role of women in society were relatively progressive.<ref name="loc20152" /> al-Turabi had his greatest success in recruiting supporters from the educated and professional classes in urban areas.<ref name="loc20152" /> He attached fundamental importance to the concept of shura (consultation) and ibtila, his view of modernity, which he believed should lead to a more profound worship of God.<ref name="loc20152" /> Religion was regularly tested by the reality of ibtila.<ref name="loc20152" />

As a Sunni Islamist, Turabi's ideas differed in some ways from traditional Islamic ideas, such as in his lack of reverence for professional Islamic scholars. Rather than the ulama (class of Islamic scholars) being restricted to educated Islamic scholars, he stated that "because all knowledge is divine and religious, a chemist, an engineer, an economist or a jurist are all ulamas." In fact, in an Islamic democracy, which Turabi maintained he was working towards,

ideally there is no clerical ulama class, which prevents an elitist or theocratic government. Whether termed a religious, a theocratic, or even a secular theocracy, an Islamic state is not a government of the ulama.<ref name=espos-245>Template:Cite book</ref><ref name=Roy-36>Template:Cite book</ref>

al-Turabi originally espoused progressive Islamist ideas, such as the embrace of democracy, healing the breach and expanding the rights of women, where he noted:

The Prophet himself used to visit women, not men, for counseling and advice. They could lead prayer. Even in his battles, they are there! In the election between Othman and Ali to determine who will be the successor to the Prophet, they voted!<ref>Interview with Hasan al-Turabi by Lawrence Wright, in Wright, The Looming Tower, (2006), p. 165</ref>

He told another interviewer, "I want women to work and become part of public life" because "the home doesn't require much work anymore, what with all the appliances". During an interview on al-Arabiya TV in 2006, al-Turabi describes the word hijab as not a face veil but a cover or diaphragm put in a room to separate between men and the Prophet's wives, whereas niqab is just an old Arab habit. Hijab literally means "barrier" and he said it was "a curtain in the Prophet's room. Naturally, it was impossible for the Prophet's wife to sit there when people entered the room". The Prophet's wives sat behind it when talking to males because they were not allowed to show their faces.<ref>Women Should Cover Chest, Not Face Template:Webarchive| memri.org| 10 April 2006</ref> He opposed the death penalty for apostasy from Islam and opposed Ayatollah Khomeini's death sentence fatwa against Salman Rushdie. He declared Islamist organizations "too focused on narrow historical debates and behavioral issues of what should be forbidden, at the expense of economic and social development".<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>

al-Turabi also laid out his vision for Sharia law that would be applied gradually instead of forcefully and would apply only to Muslims, who would share power with the Christians in a federal system.Template:Citation needed

In contrast Natsios writes that when in power,

one of the pieces of national legislation he pressed for was that apostasy be punished by the death penalty, a position he has since disavowed. When he talks about women's rights, he is referring exclusively to Muslim women, whose honor and virtue will be protected within the context of Sharia law, ... Christian or non-Muslim women may be treated as property without rights or protection.<ref name=Natsios-87>Template:Cite book</ref>

In 2006, out-of-power again, al-Turabi made international headlines issuing a fatwa allowing Muslim women to marry non-Muslim men, and allowing alcohol consumption in certain situations, in contradiction to historical Sharia law.<ref>News24, Muslim, Christian make history Template:Webarchive, 22 May 2006</ref><ref>Refugee Review Tribunal, Christian – Islam – Mixed Marriage Template:Webarchive, 30 September 2008</ref><ref name="ST-4-2006">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name=ST-misunderstand>Template:Cite news</ref> He also embraced human rights and democracy in "a hundred-and-eighty-degree turn" of his views.<ref name=packer/> One critic of Turabi complained to an American journalist in Khartoum of Turabi's ideological reversal, saying, "it is said in the daily papers and in the discussion centers here in the university that Turabi killed Ustazh Mahmoud", (i.e. liberal Sudanese cleric Mahmoud Mohammed Taha, hanged in 1985), "and now he’s stealing his ideas."<ref name=packer>Template:Cite magazine</ref>

Political careerEdit

Early in his career, al-Turabi took control of Islamic Liberation Movement under the name of the Sudanese Muslim Brotherhood.<ref name="loc20152">Template:Cite encyclopedia</ref> In 1964 he became secretary-general of the Islamic Charter Front (ICF), an activist movement that served as the political arm of the Muslim Brotherhood, and was elected to parliament in the mid-1960s.<ref name="loc20152" /> He headed the Front of the Islamic Pact and the Party of the Islamic Bloc from 1964 50 1969.<ref name="loc20152" /> Following the military coup in 1969, Gaafar Nimeiry jailed al-Turabi for seven years.<ref name="loc20152" /> Released in 1977, al-Turabi became attorney general in 1979 and then Nimeiry’s foreign affairs adviser in 1983.<ref name="loc20152" /> Nimeiry put him back in prison in 1985; the new military government released him later the same year.<ref name="loc20152" /> al-Turabi established the National Islamic Front (NIF) in 1985 as a replacement for the ICF.<ref name="loc20152" /> al-Turabi held several ministerial positions in government of the democratically elected Sadiq al-Mahdi, which the NIF joined in 1988 as a coalition partner, but he was never comfortable with this arrangement.<ref name="loc20152" />

National Islamic Front ruleEdit

On 30 June 1989, a coup d'état by General Omar Hassan al-Bashir began a process of severe repression, including purges and executions in the upper ranks of the army, the banning of associations, political parties, and independent newspapers and the imprisonment of leading political figures and journalists.<ref>Kepel, Jihad (2002), p.181</ref> From 1989 until 2001, Turabi served as what observers have called the "intellectual architect",<ref name=Packer-NYer>Template:Cite magazine</ref> or "the power behind the throne",<ref name=turabi-hrw/> sometimes officially as leader of the NIF and sometimes as speaker of the parliamentary assembly.<ref name=turabi-hrw/>

1989 coupEdit

While there is a "pervasive belief" in Sudan that Turabi and the NIF actively collaborated with the coup-makers who called themselves the "Revolutionary Command Council for National Salvation", in fact the RCC-NS banned all political parties following the 1989 coup and arrested Turabi, as well as the leaders of other political parties, and held him in solitary confinement for several months.<ref name="GSNIF-1989">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Before long however, NIF influence within the government was evident in its policies and in the presence of several NIF members in the cabinet.<ref name=GSNIF-1989/>

File:HassanAlTurabi Feb2015RomanDeckert.jpg

Turabi in his private home in Shambat one year before his death

Alleged abusesEdit

Alleged human rights abuses by the NIF regime included war crimes, ethnic cleansing, a revival of slavery, torture of opponents, and an unprecedented number of refugees fleeing into Uganda, Kenya, Eritrea, Egypt, Europe and North America.<ref name=jstor>Template:Cite journal</ref>

In 1994 a report issued by Human Rights Watch/Africa, conducted by Gáspár Bíró, a Hungarian law professor and the United Nations' special envoy to Sudan in 1993 found the Sudanese government to be practicing "widespread and systematic torture" of political detainees.

Once uncommon in the Sudan, torture was now widespread, especially in the south. Non-Muslim women were raped, their children taken from them; paper bags filled with chili powder were placed over men's heads, and some were tied to anthills; testicles were crushed and burned by cigarettes and electric current, according to a 1994 report by Human Rights Watch/Africa.<ref>Miller, Judith, God Has Ninety Nine Names (c1996), p.153</ref>

Karate attack on al-Turabi in OttawaEdit

On 26 May 1992 al-Turabi was attacked at the Ottawa Macdonald–Cartier International Airport in Canada by Sudanese Karate Black belt master, Hashim Bedreddin Mohammed. He attacked al-Turabi by using two knifehand strikes to knock down Turabi, whose head struck the pavement<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> putting him into a coma. Hashim was a Sufi in exile and an opponent of the National Islamic Front Islamist regime in Sudan and had won a karate world championship in 1983. He attacked al-Turabi in a rage when he saw him. A Somali man pushed Hashim away with a trolley which weakened the blow that could have otherwise killed al-Turabi.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> al-Turabi was hospitalized for 4 weeks with constant black outs.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> After al-Turabi was knocked out, Hashim assumed he was dead and departed. al-Turabi suffered from severe injuries, the use of his right arm was lost for a while, he had slurred speech and required the use of a cane.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> Hashim was supported by exiled Sudanese in Canada who launched the "Friends of Hashim Campaign" to support his attack on al-Turabi. One said "most Sudanese would appreciate what Hashim did". They called for an end to Islamist policies and a return to secularism.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>

Links to militant groupsEdit

File:HassanAlTurabi RomanDeckert Feb2015.jpg

al-Turabi in 2015

Al-Qaeda's leader Osama bin Laden moved his base of operations from Saudi Arabia to Sudan around 1991 reportedly at the personal invitation of al-Turabi, and stayed until 1996 when he moved to Afghanistan. Bin Laden moved to Sudan after conflict with the Saudi government over their granting of permission to the United States to station troops in Saudi Arabia during the Gulf War against Saddam Hussein. Bin Laden believed he should lead the fight against Saddam using Afghan Arab forces. al-Turabi granted bin Laden a safe place from which to conduct jihadist activities; in return, bin Laden agreed to help the Sudanese government in roadbuilding and to fight animist and Christian separatists in Southern Sudan. While in Sudan, bin Laden is reported to have married one of al-Turabi's nieces.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>

Other violent groups al-Turabi invited and allowed to operate freely included Abu Nidal Organization, (which reportedly had killed more than 900 people in 20 different countries) Hezbollah, and Carlos the Jackal, (posing as a French arms dealer at the time). Carlos had converted from Marxism to Islamic extremism.<ref>Wright, The Looming Tower, (2006), p.173</ref> (Sudanese sanctuary was not unconditional as it later allowed French intelligence to kidnap Carlos the Jackal while he was undergoing an operation on his right testicle.")<ref>Wright, The Looming Tower, (2006), p.219</ref>

al-Turabi founded the Popular Arab and Islamic Congress in 1990–1991. Meeting here were several Islamic groups from around the world, including representatives from the Palestine Liberation Organization, Hamas, the Egyptian Islamic Jihad, the Algerian Islamic Jihad, and Hezbollah. In late 1991 or 1992 al-Turabi sought to persuade Shiites and Sunnis to put aside their divisions and join against the common enemy.

In August 1993, Sudan was placed on the United States' list of State Sponsors of Terrorism following the 1993 World Trade Center bombing in February. The U.S. State Department notes that "five of 15 suspects arrested" following the bombing were Sudanese.<ref>The Nation |Unconventional Wisdom Since 1865</ref>

Mubarak assassination attemptEdit

Two years later an assassination attempt was made on then Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak by Egyptian Islamic Jihad organization, many of whose members were living in exile in Sudan.<ref name="Sageman, Marc 2004 p.45">Sageman, Marc, Understanding Terror Networks, University of Pennsylvania Press, (2004) p.45</ref> Evidence from the Egyptian and Ethiopian governments implicated the Sudanese government<ref name="Sageman, Marc 2004 p.45" /><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="Wright, 2006 p.213-4">Wright, The Looming Tower, (2006), pp. 213–14</ref>

The debacle led to a unanimous vote in the United Nations to impose stiff economic sanctions on Sudan. The Sudanese representative denied the charges, but the Sudanese delegation was already in disfavor, having been implicated only two years earlier in a plot to blow up UN headquarters.<ref name="Wright, 2006 p.213-4" />

Rather than disassociate himself from the plot, al-Turabi praised the attempted killing and called Mubarak stupid:

The sons of the Prophet Moses, the Muslims, rose up against him confounded his plans, and sent him back to his country...I found the man to be very far below my level of thinking and my view, and too stupid to understand my pronouncements.<ref>Petterson, Donald, Inside Sudan: Political Islam, Conflict and Catastrophe, Boulder DO, Westview, 1999, p.179</ref>

Decline of influenceEdit

International sanctions took effect in April 1996 and were accompanied by a "general withdrawal of the diplomatic community" from Khartoum. At the same time Sudan worked to appease the United States and other international critics by expelling members of the Egyptian Islamic Jihad and encouraging bin Laden to leave.<ref>Wright, The Looming Tower, (2006), p.221-3</ref>

In March 1996, national elections were held for the first time since the coup,<ref>New York Times, 16 March 1996, p.4</ref> and al-Turabi was elected to a seat in the National Assembly, where he served as speaker during the 1990s.<ref name=appendix/> This was his first instance of holding a political position with some consistency.Template:Citation needed During the "last few years of the 1990s", his influence and that of his party's "'internationalist' and ideological wing" waned "in favor of the 'nationalist' or more pragmatic leaders who focus on trying to recover from Sudan's disastrous international isolation and economic damage that resulted from ideological adventurism".<ref>Fuller, The Future of Political Islam, (2003), p.111</ref>

Imprisonment and later yearsEdit

After a political falling out with President Omar al-Bashir in 1999,<ref name=Spur>"Sudan opposition head: rebel assault may spur more violence", Associated Press (International Herald Tribune), 18 May 2008.</ref> al-Turabi was imprisoned based on allegations of conspiracy before being released in October 2003.<ref name=Denies>Wasil Ali, "Sudanese Islamist opposition leader denies link with Darfur rebels" Template:Webarchive, Sudan Tribune, 13 May 2008.</ref> Arrested again in 2004 for allegedly being part of a plot to overthrow the government,<ref name="31-March-2004">Template:Cite news</ref> he was released on 28 June 2005.

In 2004 he was reported to have been associated with the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), an Islamist armed rebel group involved in the War in Darfur, whose leader, Khalil Ibrahim used to be one of Mr Turabi's followers.<ref name=bbc-profile/> al-Turabi himself has denied any association. Turabi spent 16 months in prison from 2004 until 28 June 2005, during which time he spent several weeks on a hunger strike.<ref name="bbc-profile">Template:Cite news</ref>

After the JEM attacked Khartoum and Omdurman<ref name=Terrified>"Sudan leader 'terrified' by arrest", Al Jazeera, 13 May 2008.</ref> on 10 May 2008,<ref name=Kiir>Issac Vuni, "Turabi is a scapegoat to rebel aborted coup", Sudan Tribune, 13 May 2008.</ref> al-Turabi was arrested on the morning of 12 May 2008, along with other members of his Popular Congress Party (PCP). He said that he had expected the arrest, which occurred while he was returning to Khartoum from a PCP gathering in Sennar.<ref name=Denies/> He was questioned and released without charge<ref>"Sudanese government releases opposition politician al-Turabi without charge", Associated Press (International Herald Tribune), 12 May 2008.</ref> later in the day, after about 12 hours in detention.<ref name=Wasil>Wasil Ali, "Sudan releases Islamist leader al-Turabi", Sudan Tribune, 12 May 2008.</ref>

Presidential advisor Mustafa Osman Ismail said that al-Turabi's name had been found on JEM documents,<ref name=Wasil/> but he denied that al-Turabi had been arrested, asserting that he had merely been "summoned" for questioning. al-Turabi, however, said that it was an arrest and that he had been held at Kobar Prison.<ref name=Denies/> According to al-Turabi, he was questioned regarding the relationship between the PCP and JEM, but he did not answer this question,<ref name=Terrified/> although he denied that there was a relationship after his release;<ref name=Denies/> he also said that he was asked why he did not condemn the rebel attack.<ref name=Wasil/> He said that the security officers questioning him had "terrified" him<ref name=Terrified/> and that, although they claimed to have proof against him, they did not show him this proof when he asked to see it.<ref name=Denies/>

Salva Kiir Mayardit, the First Vice-President of Sudan and President of the Government of Southern Sudan, said that there had been no discussion about arresting al-Turabi at a presidency meeting on the previous day and that there was no security report implicating him. He alleged that al-Turabi was being used as a scapegoat.<ref name=Kiir/>

In an interview on 17 May 2008, al-Turabi described the JEM's attack on Khartoum as "positive" and said that there was "so much misery in Darfur, genocidal measures actually". He also said that the JEM attack could spark more unrest.<ref name=Spur/>

On 12 January 2009, al-Turabi called on Bashir to surrender himself to the International Criminal Court for the sake of the country, while holding Bashir politically responsible for war crimes in Darfur.<ref name=AI>"Sudanese opposition leader arrested", Amnesty International, 16 January 2009.</ref> (He later changed his position and opposed Bashir turning himself in.<ref name="slams">Template:Cite news</ref>) He was then arrested on 14 January<ref name=AI/><ref name=Heavens>Andrew Heavens, "Opposition leader in solitary confinement", Reuters (IOL), 16 January 2009.</ref> and held in prison for two months (until 8 March)<ref name="BarTravel">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> at the Kobar Prison before being moved to Port Sudan prison.<ref>"Sudan opposition leader reportedly transferred to Red Sea prison", Sudan Tribune, 26 January 2009.</ref> During this time members of his family expressed concern about his health and his being held in solitary confinement at least some of the time.<ref name=Heavens/> Amnesty International also released a statement about al-Turabi's arrest on 16 January, describing it as "arbitrary" and politically motivated. Noting al-Turabi's advanced age and his need for medication and a special diet.<ref name=AI/> The Sudanese Media Centre reported on 19 January that al-Turabi would be put on trial for his alleged assistance to the JEM.<ref>"Opposition leader accused of rebel links", Reuters (IOL), 19 January 2009.</ref>

On 8 March, he was released only days after the International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant against Omar al-Bashir.<ref>"Sudan frees Islamist opposition leader", Reuters, 8 March 2009.</ref> On 11 April 2009, the PCP called for the creation of a transitional government to lead Sudan to the planned 2010 election, and al-Turabi suggested that he would not stand as a candidate due to his advanced age; he emphasized the importance of leadership coming from younger generations and said that he did not have enough energy to run.<ref>"Sudan faces new calls for interim government", Reuters (IOL), 12 April 2009.</ref> In April al-Turabi was stopped at Khartoum International Airport and prevented from travelling to Paris for medical tests despite having obtained permission to travel from the interior ministry.<ref name="BarTravel"/>

al-Turabi announced on 2 January 2010 that the PCP had designated his deputy, Abdallah Deng Nhial, as its candidate for the 2010 presidential election.<ref>"Sudan Islamists name presidential candidate", AFP, 2 January 2010.</ref> al-Turabi was again arrested in mid May 2010, but was released on 1 July 2010.<ref>Staff (1 July 2010) "Sudan releases Islamist opposition head Turabi-family" Reuters, accessed 1 July 2010</ref>

File:IdrissDeby-Khartoum-HassanTurabiMourning RomanDeckert20160309.jpg

Chadian president Idriss Déby leaving the late Turabi's private estate after attending mourning ceremonies

On 18 January 2011, security forces arrested al-Turabi in Khartoum, presumably due to the recent instability of Sudan’s politics. al-Turabi commented on the recent price rises in Sudan stating it could result at a "popular uprising" if the unrealistic rises were not reversed. He added that the government should take lessons from the recent Tunisian Revolution.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

DeathEdit

On 5 March 2016, Turabi died at a hospital in Khartoum at the age of 84.<ref>"Sudan Opposition leader Hassan al-Turabi dies", Al Jazeera, 5 March 2016.</ref><ref>"Influential Sudanese opposition leader Turabi dies", France 24, 5 March 2016.</ref> He was believed to have died of a heart attack. Turabi's funeral was held the next day, with several thousand mourners in attendance, and he was buried at Burri Al-Lamab, a cemetery in eastern Khartoum.<ref>"Sudan’s influential opposition leader, al Turabi buried", Africanews, 6 March 2016.</ref><ref>Najat Ahmed, "Al-Turabi mourned by nation" Template:Webarchive, Sudan Vision, 6 March 2016.</ref>

ReferencesEdit

Template:Reflist

External linksEdit

Official website Template:Webarchive
Turabi video Interview
Sudan Update's entry on the National Islamic Front
BBC article on his June 2005 release
Text of a speech given by al-Turabi before the U.S. House Foreign Affairs Africa Subcommittee
Chapter 2 of 9/11 Commission Report al-Turabi is described in Section 2.3

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