Lolicon

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File:Lolicon Sample.png

A manga-style depiction of young girls wearing lingerie. Lolicon artwork often blends childlike characteristics with erotic undertones.

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In Japanese popular culture, Template:Nihongo is a genre of fictional media which focuses on young or young-looking girl characters, particularly in a sexually suggestive or erotic manner. The term, a portmanteau of the English-language phrase "Lolita complex", also refers to desire and affection for such characters ({{#invoke:Lang|lang}}, "loli"), and their fans. Associated mainly with stylized imagery in manga, anime, and video games, lolicon in otaku culture is generally understood as distinct from desires for realistic depictions of young girls, or real young girls as such,Template:Sfn<ref>Template:Harvnb</ref>Template:Sfn and is associated with moe, or affection for fictional characters, often bishōjo (cute girl) characters in manga or anime.

The phrase "Lolita complex", derived from the novel Lolita, entered use in Japan in the 1970s. During the "lolicon boom" in erotic manga of the early 1980s, the term was adopted in the nascent otaku culture to denote attraction to early bishōjo characters, and later only to younger-looking depictions as bishōjo designs became more varied. The artwork of the lolicon boom, which was strongly influenced by the styles of shōjo manga, marked a shift from realism, and the advent of "cute eroticism" (kawaii ero), an aesthetic which is now common in manga and anime broadly. The lolicon boom faded by the mid-1980s, and the genre has since made up a minority of erotic manga.

Since the 1990s, lolicon has been a keyword in manga debates in Japan and globally. Child pornography laws in some countries apply to depictions of fictional child characters, while those in other countries, including Japan, do not.<ref name="McLelland 2016" /> Opponents and supporters have debated if the genre contributes to child sexual abuse. Culture and media scholars generally identify lolicon with a broader separation between fiction and reality within otaku sexuality.

DefinitionEdit

Lolicon is a Japanese abbreviation of "Lolita complex" ({{#invoke:Lang|lang}}, rorīta konpurekkusu),<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> an English-language phrase derived from Vladimir Nabokov's novel Lolita (1955) and introduced to Japan in Russell Trainer's The Lolita Complex (1966, translated 1969),Template:Sfn a work of pop psychology in which it is used to denote attraction to pubescent and pre-pubescent girls.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> In Japanese, the phrase was adopted to describe feelings of love and lust for young girls over adult women,Template:Sfn which remains the term's common meaning.Template:Sfn Due to its association with otaku culture, the term is more often used to describe desires for young or young-looking girl characters (Template:Nihongo2, "loli") in manga or anime, which are generally understood to exist within fiction.Template:Sfn However, the meaning of the term remains contested,Template:Sfn and it carries a connotation of pedophilia for much of the public.<ref>Template:Harvnb</ref><ref>Template:Harvnb</ref>Template:Efn Lolicon also refers to works, particularly sexually suggestive or erotic, which feature such characters, and their fans.Template:Sfn Lolicon is distinct from words for pedophilia (yōji-zuki and pedofiria; clinically, shōniseiai and jidōseiai)Template:Efn and for child pornography (jidō poruno).Template:Efn Template:Sfn

The meaning of lolicon within the otaku context developed in the early 1980s, during the "lolicon boom"Template:Efn in erotic manga (see Template:Section link). According to Akira Akagi, the meaning of lolicon moved away from the sexual pairing of an older man and a young girl, and instead came to describe desire for "cuteness" and "girl-ness" in manga and anime.Template:Sfn Others defined lolicon as a desire for "cute things",Template:Sfn "manga-like" or "anime-like" characters, "roundness", and the "two-dimensional" as opposed to the "real".Template:Sfn At the time, all eroticism in the manga style featuring bishōjo (cute girl) characters was associated with the term,Template:Sfn and synonyms of "Lolita complex" included "two-dimensional complex" (nijigen konpurekkusu), "two-dimensional fetishism" (nijikon fechi), "two-dimensional syndrome" (nijikon shōkōgun), "cute girl syndrome" (bishōjo shōkōgun), and simply "sickness" (byōki).Template:Efn Template:Sfn As character body types within erotic manga became more varied by the end of the lolicon boom in 1984, the scope of the term narrowed to younger-looking depictions.Template:Sfn Template:Sfn

Lolicon became a buzz word after the 1989 arrest of Tsutomu Miyazaki, a serial killer of young girls who was portrayed by the Japanese media as an otaku (see Template:Section link).Template:Sfn As lolicon was conflated with pedophilia in the public debates on "harmful manga",Template:Efn its meaning was replaced among otaku by moe, which refers to feelings of affection for characters more generally.Template:Sfn Like moe, lolicon is still used by many otaku to refer to attraction which is consciously distinct from reality;Template:Sfn some otaku identify as "two-dimensional lolicon" (nijigen rorikon)Template:Efn to specify their attraction to characters.Template:Sfn The term has become a keyword in criticism of manga and sexuality within Japan,Template:Sfn as well as globally with the spread of Japanese popular culture.Template:Sfn

HistoryEdit

BackgroundEdit

In the 1970s, shōjo manga (marketed to girls and young adult women) underwent a renaissance in which artists, such as those of the Year 24 Group, experimented with new narratives and styles, and introduced themes such as psychology, gender, and sexuality.Template:Sfn These developments attracted adult male fans of shōjo manga, who crossed gendered boundaries to produce and consume it.Template:Sfn The first appearance of the term "Lolita complex" in manga was in Stumbling Upon a Cabbage Patch,Template:Efn an Alice in Wonderland–inspired work by Shinji Wada published in a 1974 issue of the shōjo manga magazine Bessatsu Margaret, where a male character calls Lewis Carroll a man with a "strange character of liking only small children" in an inside joke to adult readers.Template:Sfn Template:Efn Early lolicon artwork was influenced by male artists mimicking shōjo manga,Template:Sfn Template:Sfn as well as erotic manga created by female artists for male readers.Template:Sfn

The image of the shōjo (young girl) rose to prominence in Japanese mass media in the 1970s as a symbol of cuteness, innocence, and an "idealized Eros", attributes which became attached to imagery of younger girls over time.Template:Sfn Nude photographs of shōjo, conceived as fine art, gained popularity: a photo collection titled Nymphet: The Myth of the 12-Year-Old was published in 1969, and in 1972 and 1973 there was an "Alice boom" in nude photos themed around Alice in Wonderland.Template:Sfn Specialty adult magazines carrying nude photos, fiction, and essays on the appeal of young girls emerged in the 1980s;Template:Sfn this trend faded in the late 1980s, due to backlash and because many men preferred images of shōjo in manga and anime.Template:Sfn The spread of such imagery, both in photographsTemplate:Sfn and in manga,Template:Sfn may have been helped by prohibitions on displaying pubic hair under Japan's obscenity laws.Template:Efn

1970s–1980sEdit

File:Hideo Azuma bishōjo.png

Front page of Hideo Azuma's first contribution to Template:Ill, an erotic parody of "Little Red Riding Hood". Critic Gō Itō identifies the work as a comment on a "certain eroticism" in the roundness of Osamu Tezuka's characters.Template:Sfn

The rise of lolicon as a genre began at Comiket (Comic Market), a convention for the sale of dōjinshi (self-published works) founded in 1975 by adult male fans of shōjo manga. In 1979, a group of male artists published the first issue of the fanzine Template:Ill;Template:Sfn its standout creator was Hideo Azuma, who is known as the "Father of Lolicon".Template:Sfn Prior to Cybele, the dominant style in seinen (marketed to men) and pornographic manga (hentai) was gekiga, characterized by realism, sharp angles, dark hatching, and gritty linework.Template:Sfn Azuma's manga, in contrast, displayed light shading and clean, circular lines, which he viewed as "thoroughly erotic" and sharing with shōjo manga a "lack of reality".Template:Sfn Azuma's combination of the stout bodies of Osamu Tezuka's works and the emotive faces of shōjo manga marked the advent of the bishōjo and the aesthetic of "cute eroticism" (kawaii ero).Template:Efn Template:Sfn While erotic, lolicon manga was initially mainly viewed as humorous and parodic, but a large fan base soon grew in response to the alternative to pornographic gekiga that it represented.Template:Sfn Template:Sfn Erotic manga began to move away from combining realistic bodies and cartoony faces towards a wholly-unrealistic style.Template:Sfn Lolicon manga played a role in attracting male fans to Comiket, whose participants were 90 percent female in 1975; by 1981, the proportion of male and female participants was equal.<ref name="Lam 2010">Template:Cite journal</ref> Lolicon manga, mostly created by and for men, served as a response to yaoi manga (featuring male homoeroticism), mostly created by and for women.Template:Sfn

The early 1980s saw a "lolicon boom" in professional and amateur art. The popularity of lolicon within the otaku community attracted the attention of publishers, who founded specialty publications dedicated to the genre such as Lemon People and Manga Burikko, both in 1982.Template:Sfn Other magazines of the boom included Template:Ill, Melon Comic,Template:Efn and Template:Ill.Template:Sfn The genre's rise was closely linked to the concurrent development of otaku culture and growing fan consciousness;Template:Sfn the word otaku itself was coined in Burikko in 1983.Template:Sfn Originally founded as an unprofitable gekiga magazine, the publication was transformed into a lolicon magazine in 1983 by editor Eiji Ōtsuka,Template:Sfn whose intention was to publish "shōjo manga for boys".Template:Sfn Template:Efn Reflecting the influence of shōjo manga, there was an increasingly small place in lolicon artwork for realistic characters and explicit depictions of sex;Template:Sfn in 1983, BurikkoTemplate:'s editors yielded to reader demands by removing photographs of gravure idol models from its opening pages, publishing an issue with the subtitle "Totally Bishōjo Comic Magazine".Template:Sfn Lolicon magazines regularly published female artists, such as Kyoko Okazaki and Erika Sakurazawa,Template:Sfn and male artists such as Template:Ill, dubbed the "King of Lolicon", who produced 160 pages of manga per month to meet demand.Template:Sfn Uchiyama's works were published both in niche magazines such as Lemon People and in the mainstream Shōnen Champion.Template:Sfn The first-ever pornographic anime series was Lolita Anime, an OVA released episodically in 1984 and 1985.Template:Sfn

File:大塚英志.jpg

Eiji Ōtsuka, editor of the lolicon magazine Manga Burikko, played a key role in the lolicon boom.

Iconic characters of the lolicon boom include Clarisse from the film Lupin III: Castle of Cagliostro (1979) and Lana from the TV series Future Boy Conan (1978), both directed by Hayao Miyazaki.Template:Sfn Clarisse was especially popular, and inspired a series of articles discussing her appeal in the anime specialty magazines Template:Ill, Template:Ill, and Animage,Template:Sfn as well as a trend of fan works dubbed "Clarisse magazines"Template:Sfn which were not explicitly sexual, but instead "fairytale-esque" and "girly" in nature.Template:Sfn Many early lolicon works combined mecha and bishōjo elements;Template:Sfn the premiere of the Daicon III Opening Animation at the 1981 Japan SF Convention is one notable example of the prominence of science fiction and lolicon in the nascent otaku culture of the time.Template:Sfn Anime shows targeted at young girls with young girl heroines, such as Magical Princess Minky Momo (1982–1983), gained new viewership from adult male fans, who started fan clubsTemplate:Sfn and were courted by creators.Template:Sfn

The lolicon boom in commercial erotic manga only lasted until 1984.Template:Sfn Near the end of the boom, because "readers had no attachment to lolicon per se" and "did not take [young girls] as objects of sexual desire",Template:Sfn a majority of readers and creators of erotic manga moved towards the diversifying bishōjo works featuring "baby-faced and big-breasted" characters, which were no longer considered lolicon.Template:Sfn At Comiket, lolicon manga declined in popularity by 1989 following developments in erotic dōjinshi, including new genres of fetishism and the growing popularity of softcore erotica popular with men and women, particularly in yuri manga (featuring lesbian themes).<ref name="Lam 2010" />

1990s–presentEdit

In 1989, lolicon and otaku became the subject of a media frenzy and moral panic after the arrest of Tsutomu Miyazaki, a young man who had kidnapped and murdered four girls between the ages of four and seven and committed sexual acts with their corpses.Template:Sfn Widely disseminated photos of Miyazaki's room revealed an extensive collection of video tapes, which included horror/slasher films on which he had modelled some of his crimes,Template:Sfn and manga, including shōjo and lolicon works.Template:Sfn Template:Efn In the extended public debates that followed, Miyazaki's crimes were blamed on supposed media effects: namely, a reduction in his inhibitions to crime, and a blurring of the lines between fiction and reality.Template:Sfn Miyazaki was labelled as an otaku, and an image of otaku as "socially and sexually immature" men, and for some as "pedophiles and potential predators", was established for much of the public.Template:Sfn In February 1991, there were doujinshi creators who sold their work through supportive comic book stores. This practice came to light when three managers of such shops were arrested for having a lolicon doujinshi for sale.<ref name=Orbaugh>Template:Cite journal</ref> The decade saw local crackdowns on retailers and publishers of "harmful manga", and the arrests of some manga artists.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Sfn Despite this, lolicon imagery expanded and became more acceptable within manga in the 1990s,Template:Sfn and the early 2000s saw a small boom in the genre sparked by the magazine Comic LO.Template:Sfn

MediaEdit

File:Hakurei Shrine Reitaisai in Taiwan 3 (1).jpg

Lolicon fan-doujinshi being sold at the Hakurei Shrine Reitaisai in Taiwan 3, themed after characters from Fate/kaleid liner Prisma Illya and Mahou Shoujo Lyrical Nanoha, among others.

Lolicon media is loosely defined. Some define its characters by age, while others define its characters by appearance (those which are small and flat-chested, independent of age).Template:Sfn Lolicon works often depict girl characters as innocent, precocious, and sometimes flirtatious;<ref name="Aoki 2019">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> characters may appear in borderline or outright sexual situations, though the term can be applied to works with neither.<ref name="Aoki 2019" /> According to Kaoru Nagayama, manga readers define lolicon works as those "with a heroine younger than a middle school student", a definition which can vary from characters under age 18 for "society at large", to characters "younger than gradeschool-aged" for "fanatics", and to "kindergarteners" for "more pedophiliac readers".Template:Sfn Girl characters in lolicon can display a contradictory performance of age in which their body, behavior, and role in a story conflict;<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> for example, lolibabaTemplate:Efn ("Lolita granny") characters speak and behave with the mannerisms of older women, which runs in contrast with their appearance or other aspects of their behaviors that may be seen as youthful.Template:Sfn Curvy hips and other secondary sex characteristics similarly appear as features in many of the genre's characters.Template:Sfn Plot devices often explain the young appearance of characters who are non-human or actually much older, although this is not always the case.<ref name="Galbraith 2009">Template:Cite encyclopedia</ref>

Akira Akagi identifies themes in lolicon manga including sadomasochism, "groping objects" (alien tentacles or robots in the role of the penis), "mecha fetishes" (combinations of a machine and a girl), erotic parodies of mainstream manga and anime, and "simply indecent or perverted stuff", also noting common themes of lesbianism and masturbation.Template:Sfn Media scholar Setsu Shigematsu argues that forms of substitution and mimicry enable lolicon to "transform straight sex into a parodic form".Template:Sfn More extreme works depict themes including coercion, rape, incest, bondage, and hermaphroditism.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> Nagayama argues that most pornographic lolicon manga deal with a "consciousness of sin", or a sense of taboo and guilt in its consumption.Template:Sfn Some manga manage this by portraying the girl as enjoying the experience in the end, while others represent the girl as the active partner in sex who seduces men to her.Template:Sfn Other lolicon manga, where "men are absolute evil and girls are pitiable victims", indulge in the "pleasure of sin" through the breaking of taboos,Template:Sfn which he argues affirms the fragility of the characters.Template:Sfn He posits that manga depicting sex between children avoid the "consciousness of sin" via mutual innocence, while also thematizing nostalgia and an idealized past,Template:Sfn while other lolicon manga accomplish this through characters with especially unrealistic and moe designs, where "it is precisely because fiction is distinguished from reality as fiction that one can experience moe".Template:Sfn

Lolicon manga, often published as dōjinshi or compiled in anthology magazines,Template:Sfn is mostly consumed by male audiences,Template:Sfn though Nagayama notes that the works of Template:Ill have "resonated with female readers" and "earned the support of women".Template:Sfn Other notable artists include Aguda Wanyan, Template:Ill,Template:Sfn and female creators Erika WadaTemplate:Sfn and Template:Ill.Template:Sfn Lolicon imagery is a prominent theme in Superflat, a manga-influenced art movement founded by Takashi Murakami. Superflat artists whose works incorporate lolicon include Mr. and Henmaru Machino.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>

Relation to moeEdit

In the 1990s, lolicon imagery evolved and contributed to the mainstream development of moe, the generalized affective response to fictional characters (typically bishōjo characters in manga, anime, and computer games) and its associated design elements.<ref name="Alt 2014">Template:Cite magazine</ref>Template:Sfn The bishōjo character form moved from niche, otaku publications to mainstream manga magazines, and saw explosive popularity in the decade with the rise of bishōjo games and anime series such as Neon Genesis Evangelion, which pioneered media and merchandising based on fan affection for their female protagonists.Template:Sfn Moe characters, which tend to be physically immature girl characters exemplified by cuteness,Template:Sfn are ubiquitous in contemporary manga and anime.Template:Sfn In contrast to lolicon, sexuality in moe is treated indirectly<ref name="Alt 2014" /> or not at all;<ref name="Oppliger 2013">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> the moe response is often defined with emphasis on platonic love.Template:Sfn John Oppliger of AnimeNation identifies Ro-Kyu-Bu!, Kodomo no Jikan, and Moetan as examples of series which challenge the distinction between moe and lolicon through use of sexual innuendo, commenting that they "satire the chaste sanctity of the moé phenomenon" and "poke fun at viewers and the arbitrary delineations that viewers assert".<ref name="Oppliger 2013" /> "Moe-style" lolicon works depict mild eroticism, such as glimpses of underwear, and forgo explicit sex.Template:Sfn

LegalityEdit

Template:See also

Child pornography laws in some countries, including the United States, the United Kingdom, Ireland, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, have expanded since the 1990s to include sexually explicit depictions of fictional child characters, while those in other countries, including Japan, exclude fiction from relevant definitions.<ref name="McLelland 2016">Template:Cite book</ref> In 1999, Japan passed a national law criminalizing the production and distribution of child pornography.<ref name="BBC 2015">Template:Cite news</ref> The law's original draft included depictions of fictional children in its definition of child pornography; after "criticism from many in Japan", this text was removed in the final version.Template:Sfn In 2014, Japan's parliament amended the 1999 law to criminalize possession of child pornography;<ref name="BBC 2015" /> the 2013 draft introduced by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which maintained the existing legal definition, included a provision for a government investigation on whether manga, anime, and computer-generated images "similar to child pornography" were connected to child sexual abuse, which would be followed by a later decision on regulation.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> This provision was opposed by manga-related organizations, including the Japan Cartoonists Association, which argued that regulation would infringe upon freedom of expression and negatively impact the industry.<ref name="Rocha Ferraz Ribeiro">Template:Cite journal</ref> The provision was removed from the final version of the law, which took effect in 2015.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

Lolicon media is a common target of local ordinances in Japan which restrict distribution of materials designated "harmful to the healthy development of youth",Template:Sfn which were strengthened throughout the 1990s and 2000s.Template:Sfn An amendment proposed in 2010 to the Tokyo law on material banned from sale to minors (described by Vice Governor Naoki Inose as targeting non-pornographic lolicon manga, writing that "We had regulation for eromanga, but not for lolicon")Template:Sfn restricted depictions of "non-existent youths" who appeared under age 18 and were portrayed in "anti-social sexual situations".Template:Sfn After heavy opposition from manga creators, academics, and fans,Template:Sfn Template:Sfn<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> the bill was rejected in June 2010 by the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly;<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> however, a new revision passed in December 2010 which restricts "manga, anime, and computer games" where any characters engage in "sexual or pseudo sexual acts that would be illegal in real life" depicted in a way that "glorifies or exaggerates" such acts.Template:Sfn In 2011, several manga were listed for restriction, including Template:Ill ("My Wife Is an Elementary Student");<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> it was published online by J-Comi, avoiding restriction.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>Template:Efn

Sexualized depictions of young girl characters have also been subject to censorship and restriction outside of Japan. In 2006, North American publisher Seven Seas Entertainment licensed the manga series Kodomo no Jikan for release under the title Nymphet, but cancelled its plans in 2007 after vendor cancellations. In a statement, the company stated that the manga "cannot be considered appropriate for the US market by any reasonable standard".Template:Sfn In 2020, Australian senator Stirling Griff criticized the Australian Classification Board for giving ratings to manga and anime depicting "child exploitation", and called for a review of classification regulations;<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> later that year, the board banned the import and sale of three volumes of the light novel series No Game No Life for sexual depiction of young characters.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>Template:Efn Some online platforms, including Discord,<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Reddit,<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> and Twitter,<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> actively ban lolicon content.

DebateEdit

Explaining the exclusion of lolicon material from the 2014 child pornography law amendment, an LDP lawmaker stated that "manga, anime, and CG child pornography don't directly violate the rights of girls or boys" and that "it has not been scientifically validated that it even indirectly causes damage".<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Manga creators and activists argue that the Japanese constitution guarantees artistic freedom of expression, and that laws restricting lolicon material would be unconstitutional.<ref name=":0" /> Statistically, sexual abuse of minors in Japan has declined since the 1960s and 1970s as the prevalence of lolicon media has increased;Template:Sfn cultural anthropologist Patrick W. Galbraith interprets this as evidence that lolicon imagery does not necessarily influence crimes,Template:Sfn while Steven Smet suggests that lolicon is an "exorcism of fantasies" that contributes to Japan's low crime rates.<ref>Template:Cite magazine cited in Template:Harvnb.</ref> Drawing on his fieldwork, Galbraith argues that otaku culture collectively promotes media literacy and an ethical position of separating fiction and reality, especially when the conflation of the two would be dangerous.Template:Sfn A 2012 report by the Sexologisk Klinik for the Danish government found no evidence that individuals that view cartoons and drawings depicting fictitious child sexual abuse are more likely to engage in child sexual abuse in the real world.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Sharalyn Orbaugh argues that manga depicting underage sexuality can help victims of child sexual abuse to work through their own trauma, and that there is greater harm in regulating sexual expression than potential harm caused by such manga.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>

Legal scholar Hiroshi Nakasatomi opines that lolicon material can distort consumers' sexual desires and induce crime,<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref> a view shared by the non-profit organization CASPAR, whose founder Kondo Mitsue argues that "freedom of expression does not allow for the depiction of little girls being violently raped, depriving them of their basic human rights".<ref name=":0">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Some critics, such as the non-profit organization Lighthouse, argue that lolicon works can be used for sexual grooming, and that they encourage a culture which accepts sexual abuse of children.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> In 2015, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Sale and Sexual Exploitation of Children, Maud de Boer-Buquicchio, called for further discussion and research on "manga depicting extreme child pornography" and a resultant "banalization of child sexual abuse" in Japan, and called for a ban on such material.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Guidelines released in 2019 by the United Nations Human Rights Committee encouraged state parties to include explicit drawings of fictional children in laws against child pornography, "in particular when such representations are used as part of a process to sexually exploit children".<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Feminist critic Kuniko Funabashi argues that the themes of lolicon material contribute to sexual violence by portraying girls passively and by "presenting the female body as the man's possession".<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> Legal scholar Shin'ichirō Harata argues that child pornography laws should not collapse reality and fiction together, but also that fans should not dismiss an ambivalence represented by lolicon. He describes the practice of keeping the two separated as the "ethics of moe", or "responsibility of otaku".Template:Sfn

AnalysisEdit

Culture and media scholars responding to lolicon generally identify it as distinct from attraction to real young girls.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref> Cultural anthropologist Patrick W. Galbraith finds that "from early writings to the present, researchers suggest that lolicon artists are playing with symbols and working with tropes, which does not reflect or contribute to sexual pathology or crime".Template:Sfn Psychologist Tamaki Saitō, who has conducted clinical work with otaku,Template:Sfn highlights an estrangement of lolicon desires from reality as part of a distinction for otaku between "textual and actual sexuality", and observes that "the vast majority of otaku are not pedophiles in actual life".Template:Sfn Manga researcher Yukari Fujimoto argues that lolicon desire "is not for a child, but for the image itself", and that this is understood by those "brought up in [Japan's] culture of drawing and fantasy".Template:Sfn Sociologist Mark McLelland identifies lolicon and yaoi as "self-consciously anti-realist" genres, given a rejection by fans and creators of "three-dimensionality" in favor of "two-dimensionality",Template:Sfn and compares lolicon to the yaoi fandom, in which fans consume depictions of homosexuality which "lack any correspondent in the real world".Template:Sfn Setsu Shigematsu argues that lolicon reflects a shift in "erotic investment" from reality to "two-dimensional figures of desire".Template:Sfn Queer theorist Yuu Matsuura criticizes the classification of lolicon works as "child pornography" as an expression of "human-oriented sexualism" which marginalizes fictosexuality, or nijikon, describing sexual or affective attraction towards two-dimensional characters.<ref>Template:Cite thesis</ref><ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>

Many scholars also identify lolicon as a form of self-expression on the part of its male creators and consumers.Template:Sfn Sociologist Sharon Kinsella suggests that for lolicon fans, "the infantilized female object of desire [...] has crossed over to become an aspect of their own self image and sexuality".Template:Sfn Akira Akagi argues that lolicon manga represented a notable shift in reader identification from the "hero" penetrator common to pornographic gekiga: "Lolicon readers do not need a penis for pleasure, but rather they need the ecstasy of the girl. [...] They identify with the girl, and get caught up in a masochistic pleasure."Template:Sfn Manga critic Gō Itō views this as an "abstract desire", quoting a lolicon artist who told him that "he was the girl who is raped in his manga", reflecting a feeling of being "raped by society, or by the world".Template:Sfn Kaoru Nagayama posits that lolicon readers adopt a fluid perspective that alternates between that of an omniscient voyeur and the multiple characters in a work,Template:Sfn reflecting an active reader role and a projection onto girl characters.Template:Sfn Writing in The Book of Otaku (1989), feminist Chizuko Ueno argued that lolicon, as an orientation towards fictional bishōjo, is "completely different from pedophilia", and characterized it as a desire to "be part of the 'cute' world of shōjo" for male fans of shōjo manga who "find it too much to be a man".<ref>Template:Cite book cited in Template:Harvnb.</ref>

Several scholars identify the emergence of lolicon with changes in Japanese gender relations. Sociologist Kimio Itō attributes the rise of lolicon manga to a shift in the 1970s and 1980s, when boys, driven by a feeling that girls were "surpassing them in terms of willpower and action", turned to the "world of imagination", in which young girl characters are "easy to control".<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref> Kinsella interprets lolicon as part of a "gaze of both fear and desire" stimulated by the growing power of women in society, and as a reactive desire to see the shōjo "infantilized, undressed, and subordinate".Template:Sfn Media scholar Chizuko Naitō views lolicon as reflecting a broader "societal desire" for young girls as sex symbols in Japan (which she calls a "loliconized society").<ref name="Naitō 2010">Template:Cite journal</ref> Cultural anthropologist Christine Yano argues that eroticized imagery of the shōjo, "real or fictive", reflects "heteronormative pedophilia" in which emphasis is placed on the ephemerality of childhood: "it is as child that [the shōjo] becomes precious as a transitory figure threatened by impending adulthood".<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>