Lucius Verus
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Lucius Aurelius Verus (Template:IPAc-en;<ref>Template:Cite Merriam-Webster</ref> 15 December 130 – 23 January 169) was Roman emperor from 161 until his death in 169, alongside his adoptive brother Marcus Aurelius. He was a member of the Nerva–Antonine dynasty. Verus' succession together with Marcus Aurelius marked the first time that the Roman Empire was ruled by more than one emperor simultaneously, an increasingly common occurrence in the later history of the Empire.
Born on 15 December 130, he was the eldest son of Lucius Aelius Caesar, first adopted son and heir to Hadrian. Raised and educated in Rome, he held several political offices prior to taking the throne. After his biological father's death in 138, he was adopted by Antoninus Pius, who was himself adopted by Hadrian. Hadrian died later that year, and Antoninus Pius succeeded to the throne. Antoninus Pius would rule the empire until 161, when he died, and was succeeded by Marcus Aurelius, who later raised his adoptive brother Verus to co-emperor.
As emperor, the majority of his reign was occupied by his direction of the war with Parthia which ended in Roman victory and some territorial gains. After initial involvement in the Marcomannic Wars, he fell ill and died in 169. He was deified by the Roman Senate as the Divine Verus (Divus Verus).
Early lifeEdit
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Born Lucius Ceionius Commodus on 15 December 130,<ref>The date given by the Historia Augusta (§ 1) is confirmed by a contemporary inscription (IGRR I, 1509) and an entry in the Chronograph of 354 (ILA p. 278).</ref> Verus was the first-born son of Avidia and Lucius Aelius Caesar, the first adopted son and heir of Emperor Hadrian.<ref name=":0">Template:Cite book</ref> He was born and raised in Rome. Verus had two sisters, Ceionia Fabia and Ceionia Plautia.<ref name=":0" /> His maternal grandparents were the senator Gaius Avidius Nigrinus and the unattested noblewoman Plautia.
When his father died on 1 January 138, Hadrian chose Titus Aurelius Antoninus as his new heir, giving him the title of caesar. Antoninus was instructed to adopt Lucius alongside Marcus, Hadrian's nephew by marriage. By this scheme, Lucius, who was already Hadrian's adoptive grandson through his natural father, remained as such through his new father. Antoninus also betrothed his daughter Faustina to Lucius, although the arrangement was canceled soon after.<ref name=":1">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>
Immediately after Hadrian's death, Antoninus approached Marcus and requested that his marriage arrangements be amended: Marcus' betrothal to Ceionia Fabia would be annulled, and he would be betrothed to Faustina, Antoninus' daughter, instead. Faustina's betrothal to Ceionia's brother Lucius Commodus would also have to be annulled. Marcus consented to Antoninus' proposal.<ref>HA Marcus 6.2; Verus 2.3–4; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 53–54.</ref>
As a prince and future emperor, Verus received careful education from the famous grammaticus Marcus Cornelius Fronto. He was reported to have been an excellent student, fond of writing poetry and delivering speeches. Verus started his political career as a quaestor in 153 (one year before the legal age), became consul in 154, and in 161 was consul again with Marcus Aurelius.<ref name=":1" />
EmperorEdit
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Accession of Lucius and Marcus (161)Edit
Antoninus died on 7 March 161, and was succeeded by Marcus Aurelius. Marcus Aurelius bore deep affection for Antoninus, as evidenced by the first book of Meditations.<ref>Marcus Aurelius, "Meditations", Book 1, 1.16</ref> Although the senate planned to confirm Marcus alone, he refused to take office unless Lucius received equal powers.<ref>HA Verus 3.8; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 116; "Hadrian to the Antonines", 156.</ref>
The senate accepted, granting Lucius the imperium, the tribunician power, and the title augustus.<ref>HA Verus 4.1; Marcus 7.5; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 116.</ref> Marcus became, in official titulature, Imperator Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus; Lucius, forgoing his name Commodus and taking Marcus's original cognomen, Verus, became Imperator Caesar Lucius Aurelius Verus Augustus.<ref>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 116–117.</ref><ref group="notes">These name-swaps have proven so confusing that even the Historia Augusta, the main source for the period, cannot keep them straight.<ref name=Birley-117>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 117; "Hadrian to the Antonines", 157 n.53.</ref> The fourth-century ecclesiastical historian Eusebius of Caesarea shows even more confusion.<ref>Birley, "Hadrian to the Antonines", 157 n.53.</ref> The mistaken belief that Lucius had the name "Verus" before becoming emperor has proven especially popular.<ref name=Birley-117 /></ref> It was the first time that Rome was ruled by two emperors.<ref name=Birley-117 /><ref group="notes">There was, however, much precedent. The consulate was a twin magistracy, and earlier emperors had often had a subordinate lieutenant with many imperial offices (under Pius, the lieutenant had been Marcus). Many emperors had planned a joint succession in the past—Augustus planned to leave Gaius Caesar and Lucius Caesar as joint emperors on his death; Tiberius wished to have Gaius Caligula and Tiberius Gemellus do so as well; Claudius left the empire to Nero and Britannicus, imagining that they would accept equal rank—but all of these arrangements had ended in failure, either through premature death (Gaius and Lucius Caesar) or judicial murder (Gemellus by Caligula and Britannicus by Nero).<ref name=Birley-117 /></ref>
In spite of their nominal equality, Marcus held more auctoritas, or authority, than Verus. He had been consul once more than Lucius, he had shared in Pius' administration, and he alone was Pontifex maximus. It would have been clear to the public which emperor was the more senior.<ref name=Birley-117 /> As the biographer wrote, "Verus obeyed Marcus...as a lieutenant obeys a proconsul or a governor obeys the emperor."<ref>HA Verus 4.2, tr. David Magie, cited in Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 117, 278 n.4.</ref>
Immediately after their senate confirmation, the emperors proceeded to the Castra Praetoria, the camp of the praetorian guard. Lucius addressed the assembled troops, which then acclaimed the pair as imperatores. Then, like every new emperor since Claudius, Lucius promised the troops a special donative.<ref>HA Marcus 7.9; Verus 4.3; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 117–118.</ref> This donative, however, was twice the size of those past: 20,000 sesterces (5,000 denarii) per capita, and more to officers. In return for this bounty, equivalent to several years' pay, the troops swore an oath to protect the emperors.<ref>HA Marcus 7.9; Verus 4.3; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 117–118. "twice the size": Richard Duncan-Jones, Structure and Scale in the Roman Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 109.</ref> The ceremony was perhaps not entirely necessary, given that Marcus' accession had been peaceful and unopposed, but it was good insurance against later military troubles.<ref name=Birley-118>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 118.</ref>
Pius's funeral ceremonies were, in the words of the biographer, "elaborate".<ref>HA Marcus 7.10, tr. David Magie, cited in Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 118, 278 n.6.</ref> If his funeral followed the pattern of past funerals, his body would have been incinerated on a pyre at the Campus Martius, while his spirit would rise to the gods' home in the heavens. Marcus and Lucius nominated their father for deification. In contrast to their behavior during Pius's campaign to deify Hadrian, the senate did not oppose the emperors' wishes.<ref name=HABirley-118>HA Marcus 7.10–11; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 118.</ref>
A flamen, or cultic priest, was appointed to minister the cult of the deified Pius, now Divus Antoninus. Pius's remains were laid to rest in Hadrian's mausoleum, beside the remains of Marcus's children and of Hadrian himself.<ref name=HABirley-118 /> The temple he had dedicated to his wife, Diva Faustina, became the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina. It survives as the church of San Lorenzo in Miranda.<ref name=Birley-118 />
Early rule (161–162)Edit
Soon after the emperors' accession, Marcus's eleven-year-old daughter, Annia Lucilla, was betrothed to Lucius (in spite of the fact that he was, formally, her uncle).<ref>HA Marcus 7.7; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 118.</ref> At the ceremonies commemorating the event, new provisions were made for the support of poor children, along the lines of earlier imperial foundations.<ref>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 118, citing Werner Eck, Die Organisation Italiens (1979), 146ff.</ref> Marcus and Lucius proved popular with the people of Rome, who strongly approved of their civiliter (lacking pomp) behavior.<ref name=Birley-119>HA Marcus 8.1, qtd. and tr. Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 119; "Hadrian to the Antonines", 157.</ref>
The emperors permitted free speech, evidenced by the fact that the comedy writer Marullus was able to criticize them without suffering retribution. At any other time, under any other emperor, he would have been executed. But it was a peaceful time, a forgiving time. And thus, as the biographer wrote, "No one missed the lenient ways of Pius."<ref name=Birley-119 />
Fronto returned to his Roman townhouse at dawn on 28 March, having left his home in Cirta as soon as news of his pupils' accession reached him. He sent a note to the imperial freedman Charilas, asking if he could call on the emperors. Fronto would later explain that he had not dared to write the emperors directly.<ref>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 120, citing Ad Verum Imperator 1.3.2 (= Haines 1.298ff).</ref> The tutor was immensely proud of his students. Reflecting on the speech he had written on taking his consulship in 143, when he had praised the young Marcus, Fronto was ebullient: "There was then an outstanding natural ability in you; there is now perfected excellence. There was then a crop of growing corn; there is now a ripe, gathered harvest. What I was hoping for then, I have now. The hope has become a reality."<ref>Ad Antoninum Imperator 4.2.3 (= Haines 1.302ff), qtd. and tr. Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 119.</ref> Fronto called on Marcus alone; neither thought to invite Lucius.<ref name=Birley-120>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 120.</ref>
Lucius was less esteemed by his tutor than his brother, as his interests were on a lower level. Lucius asked Fronto to adjudicate in a dispute he and his friend Calpurnius were having on the relative merits of two actors.<ref>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 120, citing Ad Verum Imperator 1.1 (= Haines 1.305).</ref> Marcus told Fronto of his reading—Coelius and a little Cicero—and his family. His daughters were in Rome, with their great-great-aunt Matidia Minor; Marcus thought the evening air of the country was too cold for them.<ref>Ad Antoninum Imperator 4.1 (= Haines 1.300ff), Marcus Aurelius, 120.</ref>
The emperors' early reign proceeded smoothly. Marcus was able to give himself wholly to philosophy and the pursuit of popular affection.<ref>HA Marcus 8.3–4; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 120.</ref> Some minor troubles cropped up in the spring; there would be more later. In the spring of 162,<ref group="notes">Because both Verus and Marcus are said to have taken active part in the recovery (HA Marcus 8.4–5), the flood must have happened before Verus's departure for the east in 162; because it appears in the biographer's narrative after Pius' funeral has finished and the emperors have settled into their offices, it must not have occurred in the spring of 161. A date in autumn 161 or spring 162 is probable, and, given the normal seasonal distribution of Tiber flooding, the most probable date is in spring 162.<ref>Gregory S. Aldrete, Floods of the Tiber in ancient Rome (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007), 30–31.</ref> (Birley dates the flood to autumn 161).<ref name=Birley-120 /></ref> the Tiber flooded over its banks, destroying much of Rome. It drowned many animals, leaving the city in famine. Marcus and Lucius gave the crisis their personal attention.<ref>HA Marcus 8.4–5; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 120.</ref><ref group="notes">Since 15 CE, the river had been administered by a Tiber conservancy board, with a consular senator at its head and a permanent staff. In 161, the curator alevi Tiberis et riparum et cloacarum urbis (curator of the Tiber bed and banks and the city sewers") was A. Platorius Nepos, son or grandson of the builder of Hadrian's Wall, whose name he shares. He probably had not been particularly incompetent. A more likely candidate for that incompetence is Nepos' likely predecessor, M. Statius Priscus. A military man and consul for 159, Priscus probably looked on the office as little more than "paid leave".<ref>Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae 5932 (Nepos), 1092 (Priscus); Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 121.</ref></ref> In other times of famine, the emperors are said to have provided for the Italian communities out of the Roman granaries.<ref>HA Marcus 11.3, cited in Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 278 n.16.</ref>
War with Parthia (161–166)Edit
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Origins to Lucius's dispatch (161–162)Edit
On his deathbed, Pius spoke of nothing but the state and the foreign kings who had wronged him.<ref>HA Pius 12.7; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 114, 121.</ref> One of those kings, Vologases IV of Parthia, made his move in late summer or early autumn 161.<ref>Event: HA Marcus 8.6; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 121. Date: Jaap-Jan Flinterman, "The Date of Lucian's Visit to Abonuteichos," Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 119 (1997): 281.</ref> Vologases entered the Kingdom of Armenia (then a Roman client state), expelled its king and installed his own—Pacorus, an Arsacid like himself.<ref>HA Marcus 8.6; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 121.</ref>
At the time of the invasion, the Governor of Syria was Lucius Attidius Cornelianus. Attidius had been retained as governor even though his term ended in 161, presumably to avoid giving the Parthians the chance to wrong-foot his replacement. The Governor of Cappadocia, the front-line in all Armenian conflicts, was Marcus Sedatius Severianus, a Gaul with much experience in military matters. But living in the east had a deleterious effect on his character.<ref>Lucian, Alexander 27; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 121.</ref>
Severianus had fallen under the influence of Alexander of Abonoteichus, a self-proclaimed prophet who carried a snake named Glycon around with him, but was really only a confidence man.<ref>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 121. On Alexander, see: Robin Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1986), 241–250.</ref> Alexander was father-in-law to the respected senator Publius Mummius Sisenna Rutilianus, then-proconsul of Asia, and friends with many members of the east Roman elite.<ref>Lucian, Alexander 30; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 121.</ref> Alexander convinced Severianus that he could defeat the Parthians easily, and win glory for himself.<ref>Lucian, Alexander 27; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 121–122.</ref>
Severianus led a legion (perhaps the IX Hispana)<ref>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 278 n.19.</ref> into Armenia, but was trapped by the great Parthian general Chosrhoes at Elegeia, a town just beyond the Cappadocian frontiers, high up past the headwaters of the Euphrates. Severianus made some attempt to fight Chosrhoes, but soon realized the futility of his campaign, and committed suicide. His legion was massacred. The campaign had only lasted three days.<ref>Dio 71.2.1; Lucian, Historia Quomodo Conscribenda 21, 24, 25; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 121–122.</ref>
There was threat of war on other frontiers as well—in Britain, and in Raetia and Upper Germany, where the Chatti of the Taunus mountains had recently crossed over the limes.<ref>HA Marcus 8.7; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 122.</ref> Marcus was unprepared. Pius seems to have given him no military experience; the biographer writes that Marcus spent the whole of Pius's twenty-three-year reign at his emperor's side—and not in the provinces, where most previous emperors had spent their early careers.<ref>HA Pius 7.11; Marcus 7.2; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 103–104, 122.</ref><ref group="notes">Alan Cameron adduces the fifth-century writer Sidonius Apollinaris's comment that Marcus commanded "countless legions" vivente Pio (while Pius was alive) while contesting Birley's contention that Marcus had no military experience. (Neither Apollinaris nor the Historia Augusta (Birley's source) are particularly reliable on second-century history).<ref>Pan. Ath. 203–204, qtd. and tr. Alan Cameron, review of Anthony Birley's Marcus Aurelius, The Classical Review 17:3 (1967): 349.</ref></ref> Marcus made the necessary appointments: Marcus Statius Priscus, the Governor of Britain, was sent to replace Severianus as Governor of Cappadocia.<ref>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 123, citing A.R. Birley, The Fasti of Roman Britain (1981), 123ff.</ref> Sextus Calpurnius Agricola took Priscus's former office.<ref>HA Marcus 8.8; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 123, citing W. Eck, Die Satthalter der germ. Provinzen (1985), 65ff.</ref>
Strategic emergency in the EastEdit
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More news arrived: Attidius Cornelianus's army had been defeated in battle against the Parthians, and retreated in disarray.<ref>HA Marcus 8.6; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 123.</ref> Reinforcements were dispatched for the Parthian frontier. Publius Julius Geminius Marcianus, an African senator commanding X Gemina at Vindobona (Vienna), left for Cappadocia with detachments from the Danubian legions.<ref>Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum 8.7050Template:Dead link–51Template:Dead link; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 123.</ref> Three full legions were also sent east: I Minervia from Bonn in Upper Germany,<ref>Incriptiones Latinae Selectae 1097Template:Dead link–98Template:Dead link; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 123.</ref> II Adiutrix from Aquincum,<ref>Incriptiones Latinae Selectae 1091Template:Dead link; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 123.</ref> and V Macedonica from Troesmis.<ref>Incriptiones Latinae Selectae 2311Template:Dead link; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 123.</ref>
The northern frontiers were strategically weakened; frontier governors were told to avoid conflict wherever possible.<ref>HA Marcus 12.13; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 123.</ref> Attidius Cornelianus himself was replaced by Marcus Annius Libo, Marcus's first cousin. He was young—his first consulship was in 161, so he was probably in his early thirties<ref>L'Année Épigraphique 1972.657Template:Dead link; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 125.</ref>—and, as a mere patrician, lacked military experience. Marcus had chosen a reliable man rather than a talented one.<ref>HA Verus 9.2; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 125.</ref>
Marcus took a four-day public holiday at Alsium, a resort town on the Etrurian coast. He was too anxious to relax. Writing to Fronto, he declared that he would not speak about his holiday.<ref>De Feriis Alsiensibus 1 (= Haines 2.3); Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 126.</ref> Fronto replied ironically: "What? Do I not know that you went to Alsium with the intention of devoting yourself to games, joking and complete leisure for four whole days?"<ref>De Feriis Alsiensibus 3.1 (= Haines 2.5), qtd. and tr. Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 126.</ref> He encouraged Marcus to rest, calling on the example of his predecessors (Pius had enjoyed exercise in the palaestra, fishing, and comedy),<ref>De Feriis Alsiensibus 3.4 (= Haines 2.9); Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 126–127.</ref> going so far as to write up a fable about the gods' division of the day between morning and evening—Marcus had apparently been spending most of his evenings on judicial matters instead of at leisure.<ref>De Feriis Alsiensibus 3.6–12 (= Haines 2.11–19); Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 126–127.</ref> Marcus could not take Fronto's advice. "I have duties hanging over me that can hardly be begged off," he wrote back.<ref>De Feriis Alsiensibus 4, tr. Haines 2.19; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 127.</ref> Marcus put on Fronto's voice to chastise himself: "'Much good has my advice done you', you will say." He had rested, and would rest often, but "—this devotion to duty. Who knows better than you how demanding it is?"<ref>De Feriis Alsiensibus 4 (= Haines 2.19), qtd. and tr. Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 127.</ref>
Fronto sent Marcus a selection of reading material, including Cicero's pro lege Manilia, in which the orator had argued in favor of Pompey taking supreme command in the Mithridatic War. It was an apt reference (Pompey's war had taken him to Armenia), and may have had some impact on the decision to send Lucius to the eastern front.<ref>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 127.</ref> "You will find in it many chapters aptly suited to your present counsels, concerning the choice of army commanders, the interests of allies, the protection of provinces, the discipline of the soldiers, the qualifications required for commanders in the field and elsewhere [...]<ref group="notes">The text breaks off here.<ref>De bello Parthico 10 (= Haines 2.31).</ref></ref>"<ref>De bello Parthico 10 (= Haines 2.31), qtd. and tr. Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 127.</ref> To settle his unease over the course of the Parthian War, Fronto wrote Marcus a long and considered letter, full of historical references. In modern editions of Fronto's works, it is labeled De bello Parthico (On the Parthian War). There had been reverses in Rome's past, Fronto writes, at Allia, at Caudium, at Cannae, at Numantia, Cirta, and Carrhae;<ref>De bello Parthico 1 (= Haines 2.21).</ref> under Trajan, Hadrian, and Pius;<ref>De bello Parthico 2 (= Haines 2.21–23); Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 127.</ref> but, in the end, Romans had always prevailed over their enemies: "always and everywhere [Mars] has changed our troubles into successes and our terrors into triumphs".<ref>De bello Parthico 1 (= Haines 2.21), qtd. and tr. Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 127.</ref>
Lucius's dispatch and journey east (162–163?)Edit
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Over the winter of 161–62, as more troubling news arrived—a rebellion was brewing in Syria—it was decided that Lucius should direct the Parthian War in person. He was stronger and healthier than Marcus, the argument went, more suited to military activity.<ref>Dio 71.1.3; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 123.</ref> Lucius's biographer suggests ulterior motives: to restrain Lucius's debaucheries, to make him thrifty, to reform his morals by the terror of war, to realize that he was an emperor.<ref>HA Verus 5.8; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 123, 125.</ref><ref group="notes">Birley believes there is some truth in these considerations.<ref name="Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 125">Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 125.</ref></ref> Whatever the case, the senate gave its assent, and Lucius left. Marcus remained in Rome; the city "demanded the presence of an emperor".<ref>HA Marcus 8.9, tr. Magie; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 123.</ref>
Furius Victorinus, one of the two praetorian prefects, was sent with Lucius, as were a pair of senators, M. Pontius Laelianus Larcius Sabinus and M. Iallius Bassus, and part of the praetorian guard.<ref name="Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 125">Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 125.</ref> Victorinus had previously served as procurator of Galatia, giving him some experience with eastern affairs.<ref name=Birley-Pflaum>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 125, citing H.G. Pflaum, Les carrières procuratoriennes équestres sous le Haut-Empire romain I–III (Paris, 1960–61); Supplément (Paris, 1982), no. 139.</ref><ref group="notes">Victorinus had also served in Britain, on the Danube, in Spain, as prefect of the Italian fleets, as prefect of Egypt, and in many posts in Rome itself.<ref name=Birley-Pflaum /></ref> Moreover, he was far more qualified than his praetorian partner, Cornelius Repentinus, who was said to owe his office to the influence of Pius's mistress, Galeria Lysistrate.<ref name="ReferenceA">HA Pius 8.9; Birley, "Hadrian to the Antonines", 160–161.</ref> Repentinus had the rank of a senator, but no real access to senatorial circles—his was merely a decorative title.<ref>Giuseppe Camodeca, "La carriera del prefetto del pretorio Sex.Cornelius Repentinus in una nuova iscrizione puteolana" (in Italian), Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 43 (1981): 47.</ref> Since a prefect had to accompany the guard, Victorinus was the clear choice.<ref name="ReferenceA"/>
Laelianus had been governor of both Pannonias and Governor of Syria in 153; thus he had first-hand knowledge of the eastern army and military strategy on the frontiers. He was made comes Augustorum ("companion of the emperors") for his service.<ref>Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae 1094Template:Dead link, 1100Template:Dead link; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 125.</ref> Laelianus was, in the words of Fronto, "a serious man and an old-fashioned disciplinarian".<ref>Ad Verum Imperator 2.6 (= Haines 2.84ff), qtd. and tr. Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 125.</ref> Bassus had been Governor of Lower Moesia, and was also made comes.<ref>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 125, citing Prosopographia Imperii Romani2 1.4.</ref> Lucius selected his favorite freedmen, including Geminus, Agaclytus, Coedes, Eclectus,<ref>HA Verus 8.6, 9.3–5; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 125.</ref> and Nicomedes, who gave up his duties as praefectus vehiculorum to run the commissariat of the expeditionary force.<ref name=Birley-Pflaum /> The fleet of Misenum was charged with transporting the Emperor and general communications and transport.<ref>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 125, citing C.G. Starr, The Roman Imperial Navy, (1941), 188ff.</ref>
Lucius left in the summer of 162 to take a ship from Brundisium; Marcus followed him as far as Capua. Lucius feasted himself in the country houses along his route, and hunted at Apulia. He fell ill at Canosa, probably afflicted with a mild stroke, and took to bed.<ref>HA Verus 6.7–9; HA Marcus 8.10–11; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 125–126. Stroke: Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 126; Haines 2.85 n. 1.</ref> Marcus made prayers to the gods for his safety in front of the senate, and hurried south to see him.<ref>HA Marcus 8.11; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 125–126.</ref> Fronto was upset at the news, but was reassured when Lucius sent him a letter describing his treatment and recovery. In his reply, Fronto urged his pupil to moderate his desires, and recommended a few days of quiet bedrest. Lucius was better after three days' fasting and a bloodletting.<ref>Ad Verum Imperator 2.6 (= Haines 2.85–87); Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 125–126.</ref>
Verus continued eastward via Corinth and Athens, accompanied by musicians and singers as if in a royal progress.<ref>HA Verus 6.9; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 126; "Hadrian to the Antonines", 161.</ref> At Athens he stayed with Herodes Atticus, and joined the Eleusinian Mysteries.<ref>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 126, citing SIG3 1.869, 872; HA Hadrian 13.1.</ref> During sacrifice, a falling star was observed in the sky, shooting west to east.<ref>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 126, citing Cassiodorus senator s.a. 162.</ref> He stopped in Ephesus, where he is attested at the estate of the local aristocrat Publius Vedius Antoninus,<ref>Birley, "Hadrian to the Antonines", 161, citing I Eph 728, 3072; H. Halfmann, Itinera Principum. Geschichte und Typologie der Kaiserreisen im Römischen Reich (Stuttgart, 1986), 210–211.</ref> and made an unexpected stopover at Erythrae.<ref>Christian Habicht, "Pausanias and the Evidence of Inscriptions", Classical Antiquity 3:1 (1984), 42–43, citing IErythrai 225.</ref> The journey continued by ship through the Aegean and the southern coasts of Asia Minor, lingering in the famed pleasure resorts of Pamphylia and Cilicia, before arriving in Antioch.<ref>HA Verus 6.9; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 126.</ref> It is not known how long Verus's journey east took; he might not have arrived in Antioch until after 162.<ref>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 126; "Hadrian to the Antonines", 161.</ref> Statius Priscus, meanwhile, must have already arrived in Cappadocia; he would earn fame in 163 for successful generalship.<ref>Dio 71.3.1; HA Verus 7.1; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 126.</ref>
Luxury and logistics at Antioch (162?–165)Edit
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Lucius spent most of the campaign in Antioch, though he wintered at Laodicea and summered at Daphne, a resort just outside Antioch.<ref>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 129.</ref> He took up a mistress named Panthea,<ref group="notes">Or "Pantheia".<ref>Barry Baldwin, review of C.P. Jones' Culture and Society in Lucian, American Historical Review 92:5 (1987), 1185.</ref></ref> from Smyrna.<ref>Smyrna: Lucian, Imagines 2; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 129.</ref> The biographer calls her a "low-born girl-friend",<ref>HA Verus 7.10, qtd. and tr. Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 129.</ref> but she was described as a "woman of perfect beauty" by Lucius. One biographer has postulated that Panthea may have been more beautiful than any of Phidias and Praxiteles' statues.<ref>Lucian, Imagines 3, qtd. and tr. Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 129.</ref> The mistress was musically inclined and spoke Ionic Greek, spiced with Attic wit.<ref>Lucian, Imagines 11, 14–15; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 129.</ref>
Panthea read Lucian's first draft, and criticized him for flattery. He had compared her to a goddess, which frightened her—she did not want to become the next Cassiopeia.<ref>Lucian, Pro Imaginibus 7; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 129.</ref> She had power, too. She made Lucius shave his beard for her. The Syrians mocked him for this, as they did for much else.<ref>HA Verus 7.10, cf. 7.4; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 129.</ref>
Critics decried Lucius' luxurious lifestyle.<ref>HA Verus 4.4; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 129.</ref> He had taken to gambling, they said; he would "dice the whole night through".<ref>HA Verus 4.6, tr. Magie; cf. 5.7; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 129.</ref> He enjoyed the company of actors.<ref>HA Verus 8.7, 8.10–11; Fronto, Principae Historia 17 (= Haines 2.217); Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 129.</ref> He made a special request for dispatches from Rome, to keep him updated on how his chariot teams were doing.<ref>HA Verus 6.1; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 129.</ref> He brought a golden statue of the Greens' horse Volucer around with him, as a token of his team spirit.<ref>HA Verus 6.3–4; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 129.</ref> Fronto defended his pupil against some of these claims: the Roman people needed Lucius' bread and circuses to keep them in check.<ref>Principae Historiae 17 (= Haines 2.216–17); Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 129.</ref><ref group="notes">Fronto called it "the corn-dole and public spectacles" (annona et spectaculis), preferring his own pompous rephrase to Juvenal's plain panem et circenses.<ref>Principae Historiae 17 (= Haines 2.216–217); Juvenal, 10.78; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 129.</ref> (Fronto was, in any case, unfamiliar with Juvenal; the author was out of style through the classicizing mania of the Second Sophistic, and would not become popular until the later fourth century).<ref>Alan Cameron, "Literary Allusions in the Historia Augusta", Hermes 92:3 (1964), 367–368.</ref></ref>
This, at least, is how the biographer has it. The whole section of the vita dealing with Lucius' debaucheries (HA Verus 4.4–6.6) is an insertion into a narrative otherwise entirely cribbed from an earlier source. Some few passages seem genuine;<ref group="notes">In the judgment of T.D. Barnes: 4.8, "He was very fond also of charioteers, favouring the 'Greens'."; 4.10, "He never needed much sleep, however; and his digestion was excellent."; perhaps 5.7, "After the banquet, moreover, they diced until dawn.".<ref name="ReferenceB">Barnes, 69. Translations from the HA Verus: Magie, ad loc.</ref></ref> others take and elaborate something from the original.<ref group="notes">In the judgment of T.D. Barnes: 4.8 ("He was very fond also of charioteers, favouring the 'Greens'.") and 10.9 ("Among other articles of extravagance he had a crystal goblet, named Volucer after that horse of which he had been very fond, that surpassed the capacity of any human draught.") are the seed for 6.2–6, "And finally, even at Rome, when he was present and seated with Marcus, he suffered many insults from the 'Blues,' because he had outrageously, as they maintained, taken sides against them. For he had a golden statue made of the 'Green' horse Volucer, and this he always carried around with him; indeed, he was wont to put raisins and nuts instead of barley in this horse's manger and to order him brought to him, in the House of Tiberius, covered with a blanket dyed with purple, and he built him a tomb, when he died, on the Vatican Hill. It was because of this horse that gold pieces and prizes first began to be demanded for horses, and in such honour was this horse held, that frequently a whole peck of gold pieces was demanded for him by the faction of the 'Greens'."; 10.8, "He was somewhat halting in speech, a reckless gambler, ever of an extravagant mode of life, and in many respects, save only that he was not cruel or given to acting, a second Nero.", for the comparison with other "bad emperors" at 4.6 ("...he so rivalled Caligula, Nero, and Vitellius in their vices..."), and, significantly, the excuse to use Suetonius.<ref name="ReferenceB">Barnes, 69. Translations from the HA Verus: Magie, ad loc.</ref></ref> The rest is by the biographer himself, relying on nothing better than his own imagination.<ref>Barnes, 69.</ref>
Lucius faced quite a task. Fronto described the scene in terms recalling Corbulo's arrival one hundred years before.<ref>Birley, "Hadrian to the Antonines", 162.</ref> The Syrian army had turned soft during the east's long peace. They spent more time at the city's open-air cafés than in their quarters. Under Lucius, training was stepped up. Pontius Laelianus ordered that their saddles be stripped of their padding. Gambling and drinking were sternly policed.<ref>Ad Verum Imperator 2.1.19 (= Haines 2.149); Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 129.</ref> Fronto wrote that Lucius was on foot at the head of his army as often as on horseback. He personally inspected soldiers in the field and at camp, including the sick bay.<ref>Principae Historia 13 (= Haines 2.209–211); Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 129–130.</ref>
Lucius sent Fronto few messages at the beginning of the war. He sent Fronto a letter apologizing for his silence. He would not detail plans that could change within a day, he wrote. Moreover, there was little thus far to show for his work: "not even yet has anything been accomplished such as to make me wish to invite you to share in the joy".<ref>Ad Verum Imperator 2.2 (= Haines 2.117), tr. Haines; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 130; "Hadrian to the Antonines", 162.</ref> Lucius did not want Fronto to suffer the anxieties that had kept him up day and night.<ref>Ad Verum Imperator 2.2 (= Haines 2.117–119); Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 130; "Hadrian to the Antonines", 162.</ref> One reason for Lucius' reticence may have been the collapse of Parthian negotiations after the Roman conquest of Armenia. Lucius' presentation of terms was seen as cowardice.<ref>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 130; citing Panegyrici Latini 14(10).6.</ref> The Parthians were not in the mood for peace.<ref name="ReferenceC">Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 130; "Hadrian to the Antonines", 162.</ref>
Lucius needed to make extensive imports into Antioch, so he opened a sailing route up the Orontes. Because the river breaks across a cliff before reaching the city, Lucius ordered that a new canal be dug. After the project was completed, the Orontes' old riverbed dried up, exposing massive bones—the bones of a giant. Pausanias says they were from a beast "more than eleven cubits" tall; Philostratus says that it was "thirty cubits" tall. The oracle at Claros declared that they were the bones of the river's spirit.<ref>Pausanias 8.29.3–4; Philostratus, Heroicus 138.6–9 K., 9.5–7 L.; Christopher Jones, "The Emperor and the Giant", Classical Philology 95:4 (2000): 476–481.</ref> These bones would later be understood to be that of several large unspecified animals.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>
In the middle of the war, perhaps in autumn 163 or early 164, Lucius made a trip to Ephesus to be married to Marcus' daughter Lucilla.<ref>HA Verus 7.7; Marcus 9.4; Barnes, 72; Birley, "Hadrian to the Antonines", 163; cf. also Barnes, "Legislation Against the Christians", Journal of Roman Studies 58:1–2 (1968), 39; "Some Persons in the Historia Augusta", Phoenix 26:2 (1972), 142, citing the Vita Abercii 44ff.</ref> Lucilla's thirteenth birthday was in March 163; whatever the date of her marriage, she was not yet fifteen.<ref>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 131; "Hadrian to the Antonines", 163.</ref> Marcus had moved up the date: perhaps stories of Panthea had disturbed him.<ref name="Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 131">Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 131.</ref> Lucilla was accompanied by her mother Faustina and M. Vettulenus Civica Barbarus, the half-brother of Lucius' father.<ref>HA Verus 7.7; Marcus 9.4; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 131.</ref>
Marcus may have planned to accompany them all the way to Smyrna (the biographer says he told the senate he would); this did not happen.<ref>HA Verus 7.7; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 131.</ref> Marcus only accompanied the group as far as Brundisium, where they boarded a ship for the east.<ref>HA Marcus 9.4; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 131.</ref> Marcus returned to Rome immediately thereafter, and sent out special instructions to his proconsuls not to give the group any official reception.<ref>HA Marcus 9.5–6; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 131.</ref> Lucilla would bear three of Lucius' children in the coming years. Lucilla became Lucilla Augusta.<ref>Birley, "Hadrian to the Antonines", 163.</ref>
Counterattack and victory (163–166)Edit
I Minervia and V Macedonica, under the legates M. Claudius Fronto and P. Martius Verus, served under Statius Priscus in Armenia, earning success for Roman arms during the campaign season of 163,<ref>Birley, "Hadrian to the Antonines", 161–162, citing Prosopographia Imperii Romani2 C 874 (Claudius Fronto); Prosopographia Imperii Romani2 M 348.</ref> including the capture of the Armenian capital Artaxata.<ref>HA Marcus 9.1; Birley, "Hadrian to the Antonines", 162.</ref> At the end of the year, Verus took the title Armeniacus, despite having never seen combat; Marcus declined to accept the title until the following year.<ref>HA Marcus 9.1; HA Verus 7.1–2; Ad Verrum Imperator 2.3 (= Haines 2.133); Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 129; "Hadrian to the Antonines", 162.</ref> When Lucius was hailed as imperator again, however, Marcus did not hesitate to take the Imperator II with him.<ref>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 129; "Hadrian to the Antonines", 162, citing H. Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum IV: Antoninus Pius to Commodus (London, 1940), Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, nos. 233ff.</ref> The army of Syria was reinforced by II Adiutrix and Danubian legions under X Gemina's legate Geminius Marcianus.<ref>Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae 8977Template:Dead link (II Adiutrix); Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum 8.7050Template:Dead link–51Template:Dead link (Marcianus); Birley, "Hadrian to the Antonines", 162.</ref>
Occupied Armenia was reconstructed on Roman terms. In 164, a new capital, Kaine Polis ('New City'), replaced Artaxata.<ref>Dio 71.3.1; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 131; "Hadrian to the Antonines", 162; Millar, Near East, 113.</ref> On Birley's reckoning, it was thirty miles closer to the Roman border.<ref name="Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 131"/> Detachments from Cappadocian legions are attested at Echmiadzin, beneath the southern face of Mount Ararat, 400 km east of Satala. It would have meant a march of twenty days or more, through mountainous terrain, from the Roman border; a "remarkable example of imperialism", in the words of Fergus Millar.<ref>Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae 394Template:Dead link; 9117Template:Dead link; Millar, Near East, 113.</ref>
A new king was installed: a Roman senator of consular rank and Arsacid descent, Gaius Julius Sohaemus. He may not even have been crowned in Armenia; the ceremony may have taken place in Antioch, or even Ephesus.<ref>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 280 n. 42; "Hadrian to the Antonines", 162.</ref> Sohaemus was hailed on the imperial coinage of 164 under the legend Template:Aut: Verus sat on a throne with his staff while Sohaemus stood before him, saluting the emperor.<ref>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 131; "Hadrian to the Antonines", 162, citing H. Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum IV: Antoninus Pius to Commodus (London, 1940), Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, nos. 261ff.; 300 ff.</ref>
In 163, while Statius Priscus was occupied in Armenia, the Parthians intervened in Osroene, a Roman client in upper Mesopotamia, just east of Syria, with its capital at Edessa. They deposed the country's leader, Mannus, and replaced him with their own nominee, who would remain in office until 165.<ref>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 130, 279 n. 38; "Hadrian to the Antonines", 163, citing Prosopographia Imperii Romani2 M 169.</ref> (The Edessene coinage record actually begins at this point, with issues showing Vologases IV on the obverse and "Wael the king" (Syriac: W'L MLK') on the reverse).<ref name="Millar, Near East, 112">Millar, Near East, 112.</ref> In response, Roman forces were moved downstream, to cross the Euphrates at a more southerly point.<ref name="ReferenceC"/>
On the evidence of Lucian, the Parthians still held the southern, Roman bank of the Euphrates (in Syria) as late as 163 (he refers to a battle at Sura, which is on the southern side of the river).<ref>Lucian, Historia Quomodo Conscribenda 29; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 130; "Hadrian to the Antonines", 162.</ref> Before the end of the year, however, Roman forces had moved north to occupy Dausara and Nicephorium on the northern, Parthian bank.<ref>Fronto, Ad Verum Imperator 2.1.3 (= Haines 2.133); Astarita, 41; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 130; "Hadrian to the Antonines", 162.</ref><ref group="notes">The letter noting the victories (Ad Verum Imperator 2.1) dates to 164 (Fronto makes a reference to Marcus' delay in taking the Armeniacus; since he took the title in 164, the letter can be no earlier than that date),<ref>Champlin, "Chronology", 147.</ref> but the battles themselves date to 163.<ref>Astarita, 41; Birley, "Hadrian to the Antonines", 162.</ref></ref> Soon after the conquest of the north bank of the Euphrates, other Roman forces moved on Osroene from Armenia, taking Anthemusia, a town south-west of Edessa.<ref>Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae 1098Template:Dead link; Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 130.</ref> There was little movement in 164; most of the year was spent on preparations for a renewed assault on Parthian territory.<ref name="Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 131"/>
Invasion of Mesopotamia (165)Edit
In 165, Roman forces, perhaps led by Martius Verus and the V Macedonica, moved on Mesopotamia. Edessa was re-occupied, Mannus re-installed.<ref>Birley, "Hadrian to the Antonines", 163, citing Prosopographia Imperii Romani2 M 169.</ref> His coinage resumed, too: 'Ma'nu the king' (Syriac: M'NW MLK') or Antonine dynasts on the obverse, and 'King Mannos, friend of Romans' (Greek: Basileus Mannos Philorōmaios) on the reverse.<ref name="Millar, Near East, 112"/> The Parthians retreated to Nisibis, but this too was besieged and captured. The Parthian army dispersed in the Tigris; their general Chosrhoes swam down the river and made his hideout in a cave.<ref>Lucian, Historia Quomodo Conscribenda 15, 19; Birley, "Hadrian to the Antonines", 163.</ref> A second force, under Avidius Cassius and the III Gallica, moved down the Euphrates, and fought a major battle at Dura.<ref>Lucian, Historia Quomodo Conscribenda 20, 28; Birley, "Hadrian to the Antonines", 163, citing Syme, Roman Papers, 5.689ff.</ref>
By the end of the year, Cassius' army had reached the twin metropolises of Mesopotamia: Seleucia on the right bank of the Tigris and Ctesiphon on the left. Ctesiphon was taken and its royal palace set to flame. The citizens of Seleucia, still largely Greek (the city had been commissioned and settled as a capital of the Seleucid Empire, one of Alexander the Great's successor kingdoms), opened its gates to the invaders. The city got sacked nonetheless, leaving a black mark on Lucius' reputation. Excuses were sought, or invented: the official version had it that the Seleucids broke faith first.<ref>HA Verus 8.3–4; Birley, "Hadrian to the Antonines", 163. Birley cites R.H. McDowell, Coins from Seleucia on the Tigris (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1935), 124ff., on the date.</ref> Whatever the case, the sacking marks a particularly destructive chapter in Seleucia's long decline.<ref>John F. Matthews, The Roman Empire of Ammianus (London: Duckworth, 1989), 142–143. Birley, "Hadrian to the Antonines", 163–164, says that the siege marked the end of the city's history.</ref>
Cassius' army, although suffering from a shortage of supplies and the effects of a plague contracted in Seleucia, made it back to Roman territory safely.<ref>Birley, "Hadrian to the Antonines", 164.</ref> Iunius Maximus, a young tribunus laticlavius serving in III Gallica under Cassius, took the news of the victory to Rome. Maximus received a generous cash bounty (dona) for bringing the good news, and immediate promotion to the quaestorship.<ref>Birley, "Hadrian to the Antonines", 164, citing Alföldy and Halfmann, "Iunius Mauricus und die Victoria Parthica", Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 35 (1979): 195–212 = Alföldy, Römische Heeresgeschichte. Beiträge 1962–1985 (Amsterdam, 1987), 203 ff (with addenda, 220–221); Fronto, Ad amicos 1.6.</ref> Lucius took the title Parthicus Maximus, and he and Marcus were hailed as imperatores again, earning the title 'imp. III'.<ref>Birley, "Hadrian to the Antonines", 164, citing H. Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum IV: Antoninus Pius to Commodus (London, 1940), Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, nos. 384 ff., 1248 ff., 1271 ff.</ref> Cassius' army returned to the field in 166, crossing over the Tigris into Media. Lucius took the title 'Medicus',<ref>Birley, "Hadrian to the Antonines", 164, citing P. Kneissl, Die Siegestitulatur der römischen Kaiser. Untersuchungen zu den Siegerbeinamen des 1. und 2. Jahrhunderts (Göttingen, 1969), 99 ff.</ref> and the emperors were again hailed as imperatores, becoming 'imp. IV' in imperial titulature. Marcus took the Parthicus Maximus now, after another tactful delay.<ref>Birley, "Hadrian to the Antonines", 164, citing H. Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum IV: Antoninus Pius to Commodus (London, 1940), Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, nos. 401ff.</ref>
Most of the credit for the war's success must be ascribed to subordinate generals. The forces that advanced on Osroene were led by M. Claudius Fronto, an Asian provincial of Greek descent who had led I Minervia in Armenia under Priscus. He was probably the first senator in his family.<ref>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 130, citing Prosopographia Imperii Romani2 C 874.</ref> Fronto was consul for 165, probably in honor of the capture of Edessa.<ref>Birley, "Hadrian to the Antonines", 164, citing Alföldy, Konsulat, 179 ff.</ref> P. Martius Verus had led V Macedonica to the front, and also served under Priscus. Martius Verus was a westerner, whose patria was perhaps Tolosa in Gallia Narbonensis.<ref>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 130, citing Prosopographia Imperii Romani2 M 348.</ref>
The most prominent general, however, was C. Avidius Cassius, commander of III Gallica, one of the Syrian legions. Cassius was a young senator of low birth from the north Syrian town of Cyrrhus. His father, Heliodorus, had not been a senator, but was nonetheless a man of some standing: he had been Hadrian's ab epistulis, followed the emperor on his travels, and was prefect of Egypt at the end of Hadrian's reign. Cassius also, with no small sense of self-worth, claimed descent from the Seleucid kings.<ref>Birley, Marcus Aurelius, 130, citing Prosopographia Imperii Romani2 A 1402f.; 1405; Astarita, passim; Syme, Bonner Historia-Augustia Colloquia 1984 (= Roman Papers IV (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988), ?).</ref> Cassius and Martius Verus, still probably in their mid-thirties, took the consulships for 166.<ref>Birley, "Hadrian to the Antonines", 164, citing Alföldy, Konsulat, 24, 221.</ref>
Years in RomeEdit
The next two years (166–168) were spent in Rome. According to the Historia Augusta, Verus continued with his glamorous lifestyle and kept the troupe of actors and favourites with him. He had a tavern built in his house, probably at Acquatraversa,<ref>A Roman villa located at Acquatraversa on the Via Cassia that is frequently attributed to Lucius Verus. https://pleiades.stoa.org/places/422964</ref> where he celebrated parties with his friends until dawn. He also enjoyed roaming around the city among the population, without acknowledging his identity. The games of the circus were another passion in his life, especially chariot racing. Marcus Aurelius disapproved of his conduct but, since Verus continued to perform his official tasks with efficiency, there was little that he could do.<ref name=":1" />
Wars on the Danube and deathEdit
In 168 war broke out in the Danubian border when the Marcomanni invaded the Roman territory. This war would last until 180, but Verus did not see the end of it. In 168, as Verus and Marcus Aurelius returned to Rome from the field, Verus fell severely ill and died soon afterwards. Some authors suggest that he was poisoned, but this is unlikely. He may have died due to the widespread epidemic known as the Antonine Plague.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>
Despite the minor differences between them, Marcus Aurelius grieved the loss of his adoptive brother. He accompanied the body to Rome, where he offered games to honour his memory. After the funeral, the senate declared Verus divine to be worshipped as Divus Verus.<ref name=":1" />
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