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Political machine
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{{short description|Type of political group}} {{For|the game|The Political Machine{{!}}''The Political Machine''}} {{Globalise||US|date=March 2023}} [[File:New York's New Solar System2.jpg|thumb|300px|In this 1889 [[Udo Keppler]] cartoon from ''[[Puck (magazine)|Puck]]'', all of New York City politics revolves around boss [[Richard Croker]].]] In the [[politics]] of [[Representative democracy|representative democracies]], a '''political machine''' is a party organization that recruits its members by the use of tangible incentives (such as money or political jobs) and that is characterized by a high degree of leadership control over member activity. The machine's power is based on the ability of the boss or group to [[get out the vote]] for their candidates on [[election]] day. While these elements are common to most [[Political party|political parties]] and organizations, they are essential to political machines, which rely on hierarchy and rewards for political power, often enforced by a strong [[Whip (politics)|party whip]] structure. Machines sometimes have a [[political boss]], typically rely on [[patronage]], the [[spoils system]], "behind-the-scenes" control, and longstanding political ties within the structure of a representative democracy. Machines typically are organized on a permanent basis instead of a single election or event. The term "machine" usually is used by its reform-minded enemies in a pejorative sense.<ref name=britannica>{{Cite encyclopedia | title = political machine | url = http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/467617/political-machine | encyclopedia = Encyclopædia Britannica | access-date = December 6, 2008}}</ref> The terms "machine" and "boss" in the 19th century were negative epithets used by their reform-minded opponents. However, in the 20th century these became standard terms for scholars and analysts who sometimes emphasized their positive contributions.<ref>Alan Lessoff and James J. Connolly, "From political insult to political theory: The boss, the machine, and the pluralist city." ''Journal of Policy History'' 25.2 (2013): 139–172.</ref>
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