Editing Ilinden–Preobrazhenie Uprising (section)

==Prelude==
[[File:General Ivan Tsonchev Revolutionary Band.jpg|thumb|right|300px|alt=General Tsonchev's ''Supreme Committee's ''band|General [[Ivan Tsonchev]]'s Supreme Committee's band]]
[[File:Adrianople voevodi of IMARO.jpg|thumb|right|250px|[[Voivode]]s in [[Adrianople vilayet]] before the uprising.]]
The competition for control between national groups took place largely via of [[Slavic speakers in Ottoman Macedonia#National antagonisms|propaganda campaigns]] in the [[Ottoman Empire]], aimed at winning over the local population, and conducted largely through churches and schools. Various groups were also supported by the local population and the three competing governments.<ref name=Jelavich1983>{{Cite book
| title = History of the Balkans
| volume = 2
| first = B.
| last = Jelavich
| publisher = Cambridge University Press
| year = 1983
| isbn = 0-521-25448-5
| url-access = registration
| url = https://archive.org/details/historyofbalkans0000jela| pages = 92–93
}}</ref>

The [[Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization|Internal Macedonian-Adrianopolitan Revolutionary Organization]] (IMARO) was founded in [[Thessaloniki]] in 1893. The group had a number of name changes prior to and subsequent to the uprising. It was predominantly Bulgarian and supported an idea for [[autonomy for Macedonia and Adrianople regions]] within the Ottoman state with a motto of "[[Macedonia for the Macedonians]]".<ref name=Jelavich1983/> IMARO's inspiration certainly belonged to the nineteenth-century [[Balkan]] practice whereby the powers maintained the fiction of Ottoman control over effectively independent states under the guise of autonomous status within the Ottoman state; (Serbia, 1829–1878; Romania, 1829–1878; Bulgaria, 1878–1908). ''Autonomy, in other words, was as good as independence.'' Moreover, from the Macedonian perspective, the goal of independence by autonomy had another advantage. More important, IMARO was aware that neither [[Serbia]] nor [[Greece]] could expect to obtain the whole of Macedonia and, unlike Bulgaria, they both looked forward to and urged partition. Autonomy, then, was the best prophylactic against partition, that would unite the [[Macedonian (obsolete terminology)|multi-ethnic Macedonian population]]. However, the idea of Macedonian autonomy was strictly political and did not imply a secession from Bulgarian ethnicity.<ref name="ib">{{cite book |author=Ivo Banac |title=The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics |date=2015 |publisher=Cornell University Press |isbn=9781501701931 |pages=314–316}}</ref>

The [[Supreme Macedonian-Adrianople Committee]] (SMAC) was a group formed in 1895 in [[Sofia]], Bulgaria, which enjoyed the covert but close cooperation with the Bulgarian government. The members of this group were called the ''Supremists'', and advocated annexation of the region by Bulgaria.<ref name=Jelavich1977>{{Cite book
| title = The Establishment of the Balkan National States, 1804–1920
| first1 = C.
| last1 = Jelavich
| first2 = B.
| last2 = Jelavich
| year = 1977
| publisher = University of Washington Press
| isbn = 0-295-95444-2
| url = https://archive.org/details/establishmentof00char| pages = 210–213, 220–221
}}</ref> The two groups had different strategies. IMARO sought to prepare a carefully planned uprising in the future,<ref name=Jelavich1977 /> but the Supremists preferred immediate raids and guerilla operations to foster disorder and a precipitate intervention from the Great Powers.<ref name="Crampton2005">{{Cite book
| title = A Concise History of Bulgaria
| first = R.J. | last = Crampton
| edition = 2nd
| year = 2005
| publisher = Cambridge University Press
| isbn = 9781139448239
| pages = 126–127}}</ref> A leader of IMARO, [[Gotse Delchev]], was a strong advocate for proceeding slowly. SMAC urged a speedy uprising although they had little faith in the internal movement.<ref name="ib" /> Their president [[Danail Nikolaev]] thought that IMARO's idea for a peasant uprising was unreal and perceived Delchev as a "brash youngster". Nikolaev thought that for the struggle to succeed, trained soldiers were needed and also clandestine aid and finance of the Bulgarian government.<ref name= "Palairet 2016">{{cite book|title=Macedonia: A Voyage through History (Vol. 2, from the Fifteenth Century to the Present) | isbn=978-1-4438-8849-3 | last1=Palairet | first1=Michael | date=2016 | publisher=Cambridge Scholars|pages= 133–159}}</ref>

On the other hand, a smaller group of conservatives in [[Thessaloniki]] organized a [[Bulgarian Secret Revolutionary Brotherhood]] (''Balgarsko Tayno Revolyutsionno Bratstvo''). The latter was incorporated in IMARO by 1900 and its members as [[Ivan Garvanov]], were to exert a significant influence on the organization. They were to push for the Ilinden–Preobrazhenie Uprising and later became the core of IMARO's right-wing faction.<ref>Революционното братство е създадено в противовес на вътрешната организация от еволюционистите. Уставът му носи дата март 1897 г. и е подписан с псевдонимите на 12 членове – основатели. Братството създава свои организации на някои места в Македония и Одринско и влиза в остър конфликт с вътрешната организация, но през 1899–1900 г. се постига помирение и то се присъединява към нея – Христо Караманджуков, "Родопа през Илинденско-Преображенското въстание" (Изд. на Отечествения Фронт, София, 1986), p. 100.</ref> In 1899, Garvanov developed a friendship with Supremists' new leader [[Boris Sarafov]], through which Garvanov managed to come to eminence in IMARO. Despite the mutual hostility, in this period IMARO and the Supremists collaborated and with Sarafov's help Garvanov and some of the Supremists became members of the IMARO's central committee in Thessaloniki.

At the beginning of 1901, the arrested IMARO member Milan Mihaylov, who previously was a member of SMAC, revealed the names of other IMARO activists. As a result, a series of arrests were conducted, which would become known as the [[Salonica affair]]. Consequently many of the leaders of IMARO were arrested by the Ottomans, including the Central Committee members, others like Delchev took refuge in Bulgaria. In panic that IMARO would collapse, the Central Committee member [[Ivan Hadzhinikolov]], before his arrest, gave the archive and accounts to Garvanov. In this way Garvanov took control of the Central Committee and became its leader. Allegedly the imprisoned IMARO leaders were betrayed by Garvanov in order for him to seize control, thus in the following period the Central Committee was a tool of Garvanov and the Supremists, and plans for the uprising began.<ref name= "Palairet 2016"/> From January 15 to 17, 1903, Garvanov held an IMARO congress in Thessaloniki in order to promote the idea for an uprising that spring.<ref name="va" /> The representative of the [[Serres revolutionary district]] was firmly against, however to gain a positive answer, the participation at the congress was cautiously selected. After heated discussions, all the delegates present signed the protocol with an opinion on starting an uprising.<ref name="Palairet 2016" /><ref name="db">{{cite book |author=Dimitar Bechev |date=2019 |title=Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia |publisher=Rowman & Littlefield |pages=141–143 |isbn=1538119625}}</ref> During this period, [[Racho Petrov]]'s Bulgarian government supported IMARO's position that the rebellion was entirely internal. As well as Petrov's personal warning to Delchev in January 1903 to delay or even cancel the rebellion, the government sent out a [[circular note]] to its diplomatic representatives in [[Thessaloniki]], [[Bitola]] and [[Edirne]], advising the population not to succumb to pro-rebellion propaganda, as "Bulgaria was not ready to support it".<ref>[http://www.macedonia-science.org/news.php?extend.546The The Ilinden-Preobrazhenie Uprising of 1903, Dedicated to the 105th. anniversary from the events, Professor Dimitar Gotsev – Macedonian Scientific Institute.] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081030074715/http://www.macedonia-science.org/news.php?extend.546The |date=2008-10-30}}</ref> Also, the IMARO was warned by the Minister of War [[Mihail Savov]], that the uprising must be postponed until May 1904, by which time the Bulgarian Army would be ready for military intervention.<ref>Писма между ЦК на ВМОРО и Михаил Савов, в: Билярски, Цочо. Вътрешната македоно-одринска революционна организация (1893 – 1919 г.) – Документи на централните ръководни органи, Том I, Част I, УИ „Св. Климент Охридски“, София, 2007, стр.285 – 286</ref> Prior to the uprising, the Bulgarian government had been required to outlaw the Macedonian rebel groups and sought the arrest of its leaders. This was a condition of diplomacy with Russia.<ref name="Crampton2005" />

The decision to start an uprising was final, but Garvanov wanted to discuss it with the other top people of the organization, therefore, in mid-January, he arrived in Sofia. There, the decision on starting an uprising was discussed with Gotse Delchev, [[Gyorche Petrov]], [[Pere Toshev]], [[Hristo Matov]], [[Hristo Tatarchev]], [[Mihail Gerdzhikov]], and others. It became clear that among the top people of the organization there was no unanimity on this issue, but eventually everyone accepted the idea.<ref name="mm">{{cite book |author=Mercia MacDermott |date=1978 |title=Freedom or Death&nbsp;– The Life of Gotsé Delchev |url=https://macedonia.kroraina.com/en/mm_gd/index.htm |location=London |publisher=Journeyman Press |pages=328–330, 368–369, 372–378}}</ref> However, Delchev remained strongly at the position that they were not ready, he went to the [[Serres]] region where he met with [[Yane Sandanski]] who shared his view. Later he went to Thessaloniki for a meeting with [[Dame Gruev]], who Delchev hoped that as a "heart of the organization" would argue for the postponement of the uprising, but Gruev wanted it to proceed and defended the moral inspiration of the decision.<ref name= "Palairet 2016"/> In late April 1903, a group of young anarchists from the Gemidzhii Circle – graduates from the [[Bulgarian Men's High School of Thessaloniki]] launched a campaign of terror bombing, the so-called [[Thessaloniki bombings of 1903]]. Their aim was to attract the attention of the Great Powers to Ottoman oppression in Macedonia and Eastern Thrace. The attacks were followed by reprisals by the Ottoman army and bashibozouks (irregulars) in the countryside, and more IMARO members were arrested.<ref name="va">{{cite book |author=Vemund Aarbakke |title=Ethnic Rivalry and the Quest for Macedonia, 1870-1913 |publisher=East European Monographs |date=2003 |isbn=0880335270 |pages=81, 107–116, 119–120}}</ref><ref name="iy">{{cite book |author=İpek Yosmaoğlu |date=2013 |title=Blood Ties: Religion, Violence and the Politics of Nationhood in Ottoman Macedonia, 1878–1908 |publisher=Cornell University Press |pages=34–36, 39, 62, 249 |isbn=978-0801469794}}</ref> Delchev himself was killed by the Ottomans in May 1903.<ref name= "Palairet 2016"/>

The congress of [[Smilevo]] took place from May 2 to 7, 1903. The decision from January to stage an uprising was debated.<ref name="va" /> 50 delegates, representing eight revolutionary districts, participated in the sessions of the congress. The delegates decided that Ottoman buildings should be occupied, the means of communication (roads, telegraphs) should be paralyzed, etc. The [[Manastir vilayet]], which was best prepared, was chosen as the center of the uprising. The congress ordered the formation of chetas consisting of 30 to 50 revolutionaries.<ref name="nla">{{cite book |author=Nadine Lange-Akhund |title=The Macedonian Question, 1893-1908, from Western Sources |date=1998 |publisher=East European Monographs |isbn=9780880333832 |pages=45, 47}}</ref> The Bitola revolutionary region was split into districts, each headed by a [[voivode]]. A General Staff consisting of Dame Gruev, Boris Sarafov and Anastas Lozanchev, was elected. The General Staff made the decision that preparation for the uprising had to be finished by the end of May. There were setbacks during the preparations because in the kaza of Kastoria the Patriarchists under the leadership of the metropolitan, [[Germanos Karavangelis]], had formed an anti-Bulgarian front.<ref name="va" /> In all revolutionary districts, the voidoves organized the storage of supplies which were hidden in the mountains. Medicines were bought from cities. Participants had to take a course of military training. During May, Gruev and Sarafov, accompanied by chetas, visited the Monastir vilayet to verify that all their instructions (such as storage of supplies) were being followed.<ref name="nla" /> The General Staff set August 2, Elijah's day (July 20 in the [[Julian calendar]]), as the date of the uprising. On July 11 (June 28 in the Julian calendar), 1903, a congress was held in [[Petrova Niva]]. 47 delegates, which were guarded by several hundred men, participated in the sessions for four days. They decided to revolt in Adrianople on August 19 (August 6 in the Julian calendar), on the [[feast of the Transfiguration]].<ref name="mm" />

Garvanov, himself, was arrested by the Ottomans.<ref name="Palairet 2016" /> The aim of the uprising was to cause the Great Powers to intervene and to gain [[Autonomy for Macedonia and Adrianople regions|autonomy for the regions of Macedonia and Adrianople]].<ref name="db" /> Old Russian [[Berdan rifle|Berdan]] and [[Krnka]] rifles as well as [[Mannlicher M1895|Mannlichers]] were supplied from Bulgaria to Skopje following the demand for higher rates of fire by Bulgarian army officer [[Boris Sarafov]].<ref name="lod">{{cite book |author=Keith Brown |date=2013 |title=Loyal Unto Death: Trust and Terror in Revolutionary Macedonia |publisher=Indiana University Press |isbn=9780253008473 |pages=4–5, 8, 15–18, 35, 53, 148}}</ref> In his memoir, Sarafov wrote that the main source of funds for the purchase of the weapons from the Bulgarian army came from the funds of the [[Miss Stone Affair|kidnapping of Miss Stone]], as well as from contacts in Europe.<ref>{{Cite book|last=and Basevski|first=Nikolov|title=Spomeni na Dame Gruev, Boris Sarafov and Ivan Garvanov|publisher=Press P. Glushkoz|year=1927|location=Sofia|pages=146, 153}}</ref> Many Mauser rifles were gained from killed Ottoman soldiers as well.<ref name="nla" />