Editing Matrilocal residence (section)

== Description ==
Frequently,{{clarify|date=June 2023}} [[Walking marriage|visiting marriage]] is being practiced, meaning that [[husband]] and [[wife]] are living apart, in their separate birth families, and seeing each other in their spare time. The [[child]]ren of such marriages are raised by the mother's extended [[matrilineal]] clan. The father does not have to be involved in the upbringing of his own children; he is, however, in that of his sisters' children (his [[niece]]s and [[nephews]]). In direct consequence, [[property]] is [[inheritance|inherited]] from generation to generation, and, overall, remains largely undivided.{{cn|date=June 2023}}

Matrilocal residence is found most often in [[horticulture|horticultural]] societies.<ref>{{cite book | last=Haviland | first=William A. | title=Anthropology | location=Belmont, CA | date=2003 | edition=10th | publisher=Wadsworth/Thomson Learning | isbn=978-0534610203}}</ref>

Examples of matrilocal societies include the people of [[Ngazidja]] in the [[Comoros]], the [[Ancestral Puebloans]] of [[Chaco Canyon]], the [[Nair]] community in [[Kerala]] in [[South India]], the [[Mosuo|Moso]] of [[Yunnan]] and [[Sichuan]] in southwestern [[China]], the [[Siraya people|Siraya]] of [[Taiwan]], and the [[Minangkabau people|Minangkabau]] of western [[Sumatra]]. Among indigenous people of the [[Amazon basin]] this residence pattern is often associated with the customary practice of [[brideservice]], as seen among the [[Urarina]] of northeastern [[Peru]].<ref>{{cite book | last=Dean | first=Bartholomew | title=Urarina society, cosmology, and history in peruvian amazonia. | location=Gainesville | date=2013 | publisher=University Press of Florida | isbn= 9780813049519}}</ref> 

During the [[Song Dynasty]] in medieval China, matrilocal marriage became common for wealthy non-aristocratic families.{{citation needed|date=December 2013}}

In other regions of the world, such as [[Japan]], during the [[Heian period]], a marriage of this type was not a sign of high status, but rather an indication of the [[Patriarchy|patriarchal authority]] of the woman's family (her father or grandfather), who was sufficiently powerful to demand it.<ref>{{cite book | last=Ramusack | first=Barbara N. |author2=Sievers, Sharon L. | title=Women in Asia: restoring women to history | date=1999 | publisher=Indiana University Press | isbn=9780253212672}}</ref>

Another matrilocal society is the [[!Kung San]] of Southern Africa. They practice uxorilocality for the bride service period, which lasts until the couple has produced three children or they have been together for more than ten years. At the end of the bride service period, the couple has a choice of which clan they want to live with.<ref>{{cite book|author=Stockard, Janice E.|title=Marriage in Culture|location=Australia|publisher=Wadsworth|year=2002}}</ref> (Technically, uxorilocality differs from matrilocality; uxorilocality means the couple settles with the wife's family, while matrilocality means the couple settles with the wife's lineage. Because the !Kung do not live in lineages, they cannot be matrilocal; they are uxorilocal.){{cn|date=January 2025}}

Early theories explaining the determinants of postmarital residence (by, for example, [[Lewis Henry Morgan]], [[Edward Tylor]], and [[George Peter Murdock]]) connected it with the sexual division of labor. However, for many years cross-cultural tests of this [[hypothesis]] using worldwide samples failed to find any significant relationship between these two variables. On the other hand, [[Andrey Korotayev|Korotayev]]'s tests have shown that the female contribution to subsistence does correlate significantly with matrilocal residence in general; however, this correlation is masked by a general [[polygyny]] factor. Although an increase in the female contribution to subsistence tends to lead to matrilocal residence, it also tends simultaneously to lead to general non-sororal [[polygyny]] which effectively destroys matrilocality. If this polygyny factor is controlled (e.g., through a multiple [[Linear regression|regression]] model), division of labor turns out to be a significant predictor of postmarital residence. Thus, Murdock's hypotheses regarding the relationships between the sexual division of labor and postmarital residence were basically correct, though, as has been shown by Korotayev, the actual relationships between those two groups of variables are more complicated than he expected.<ref>{{cite journal | last=Korotayev | first=Andrey | title=Form of Marriage, Sexual Division of Labor, and Postmarital Residence in Cross-Cultural Perspective: A Reconsideration| journal=Journal of Anthropological Research  | url=http://cat.inist.fr/?aModele=afficheN&cpsidt=14683590 | volume=59 | issue=1 | pages=69–89 |year=2003|jstor=3631445| doi=10.1086/jar.59.1.3631445 | s2cid=147513567 | url-access=subscription }}</ref><ref>{{cite journal | last=Korotayev | first=Andrey | title=Division of Labor by Gender and Postmarital Residence in Cross-Cultural Perspective: A Reconsideration | journal=Cross-Cultural Research | date=2003 | volume= 37 | issue= 4 | pages=335–372 | doi=10.1177/1069397103253685| s2cid=145694651 |url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/220144133}}</ref>

Matrilocality in the Arikari culture in the 17th–18th centuries was studied anew within [[feminist archaeology]] by Christi Mitchell, in a critique of a previous study,<ref name=mitchell>{{cite book|chapter-url=http://anthro.appstate.edu/sites/anthro.appstate.edu/files/documents/ebooks/gender/ch09.html|author=Mitchell, Christi|chapter=10. Activating Women in Arikara Ceramic Production|access-date=September 29, 2013|url=http://anthro.appstate.edu/sites/anthro.appstate.edu/files/documents/ebooks/gender/ch01.html|editor=Claassen, Chery|title=Gender in Archaeology|date=May 1991|publisher=Appalachian State University|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131110232016/http://anthro.appstate.edu/sites/anthro.appstate.edu/files/documents/ebooks/gender/ch01.html|archive-date=November 10, 2013|url-status=dead}}</ref>{{rp|89–94}} the critique challenging whether men were virtually the sole agents of societal change while women were only passive.<ref name=mitchell />{{rp|90–91}}

According to Barbara Epstein, anthropologists in the 20th century criticized [[feminism|feminist]] [[matriarchy|promatriarchal]] views and said that "the goddess worship or matrilocality that evidently existed in many paleolithic societies was not necessarily associated with matriarchy in the sense of women's power over men. Many societies can be found that exhibit those qualities along with female subordination. Furthermore, militarism, destruction of the natural environment, and hierarchical social structures can be found in societies in which [[Mother goddess|goddess worship]], matrilocality, or matriliny exist."<ref>{{cite book | last=Epstein | first=Barbara Leslie | title=Political protest and cultural revolution: nonviolent direct action in the 1970s and 1980s | location=Berkeley | date=1991 | publisher=University of California Press | isbn=978-0520070103 | page=[https://archive.org/details/politicalprotest00epst/page/173 173] | url-access=registration | url=https://archive.org/details/politicalprotest00epst/page/173 }}</ref>{{Efn|[[Paleolithic]] Age: prehistoric period marked by the development of the most primitive stone tools}}{{Efn|[[Militarism]]: a belief in a strong military and its aggressive use}}{{Efn|[[Matrilineality|Matriliny]]: a system based on maternal descent}}

In [[sociobiology]], matrilocality refers to [[animal]] societies in which a [[pair bond]] is formed between animals born or hatched in different areas or different social groups, and the pair becomes resident in the female's home area or group.{{citation needed|date=December 2013}}

In present-day [[mainland China]], matrilocal residence has been encouraged by the [[Government of the People's Republic of China|government]]<ref>{{cite book | last=Wolf | first=Margery | title=Revolution Postponed: Women in Contemporary China China | url=https://archive.org/details/revolutionpostpo00wolfrich | url-access=registration | publisher=Stanford University Press| date=1985 | isbn=978-0804713481|pages=[https://archive.org/details/revolutionpostpo00wolfrich/page/196 196–198]}}</ref> in an attempt to counter the problem of unbalanced male-majority [[sex ratio]]s caused by the [[Sex-selective abortion and infanticide|abortion, infanticide]] and [[Child abandonment|abandonment]] of girls. Because girls traditionally marry out in [[Patrilocal residence|virilocal marriage]] (living with or near the husband's parents) they have been seen as "mouths from another family" or as a waste of resources to raise.{{Citation needed|date=March 2023|reason=This sentence smells strongly of overstatement.}}