Editing P. H. McCarthy (section)

==Leadership in the Building Trades Council==
[[File:General Officers of the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners of America, 1907-1908.jpg|thumb|left|upright=1.2|General Officers of the [[United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners of America]], 1907-08.<br /><small>Top row, from left: T.M. Guerin, [[Arthur A. Quinn]], [[William Huber]], D.A. Post, Thomas Neale, R.E.L. Connolly, '''P.H. McCarthy'''.<br />Bottom row, from left: A.M. Watson, W.G. Schardt, [[Gabriel Edmonston]], [[Frank Duffy (labor leader)|Frank Duffy]], John Walquist.</small>]]
The San Francisco Building Trades Council was one of the most powerful local labor bodies within the [[American Federation of Labor]] at the time. It fought off the efforts of employers in San Francisco to impose the [[open shop]] on construction workers in the first decade of the twentieth century and was active in local politics. It also feuded with the San Francisco Labor Council, the body that claimed to represent all of organized labor in San Francisco. The BTC barred its members from belonging to the SFLC and often refused to support SFLC activities; it did not support the Teamsters and longshore workers in the City Front Federation strike of 1901, preferring to maintain its dominant position in the construction industry than join in a direct confrontation with the most powerful businesses of the region.

Within its own sphere the BTC was highly effective, coordinating the efforts of roughly fifty unions to police every construction worksite in the City to check that only union members were working there. The BTC was able to turn this control at the workplace level into better wages in the San Francisco construction industry than anywhere else in the country in the first decades of the twentieth century. The BTC was able to do this, moreover, without fighting the drawn-out battles that unions elsewhere had to wage simply to obtain recognition or preserve their rights: only two building trades strikes in San Francisco between 1901 and 1921 lasted more than a week.

The exception to that rule came in 1900, when the BTC unilaterally declared that its members would work only [[Eight hour day|eight hours a day]] for $3 a day. When mill resisted, the BTC began organizing mill workers; the employers responded by locking out 8,000 employees throughout the Bay Area. The BTC, in return, established a union [[planing mill]] from which construction employers could obtain supplies – or face boycotts and sympathy strikes if they did not. That brought the mill owners to arbitration, where the union won the eight-hour day, a closed shop for all skilled workers, and an arbitration panel to resolve future disputes. In return, the union agreed to refuse to work with material produced by non-union planing mills or those that paid less than the Bay Area employers.

McCarthy ruled the BTC like an autocrat: he did not brook criticism, much less challenges to his authority, and he sometimes made decisions concerning local unions without consulting the parties involved. His high-handed style served him for many years, but created enough resentment within the BTC that eventually forced him to resign from its presidency in 1922, following the loss of a strike that allowed the open shop to return to San Francisco in 1921.