Editing Pitch-accent language (section)

==Characteristics of pitch-accent languages==
===Definitions===
Scholars give various definitions of a pitch-accent language. A typical definition is as follows: "Pitch-accent systems [are] systems in which one syllable is more prominent than the other syllables in the same word, a prominence that is achieved by means of pitch" (Zanten and Dol (2010)).<ref>Zanten, Ellen van & Philomena Dol (2010). "Word stress and pitch accent in Papuan languages. In: Hulst, Harry van der, Rob Goedemans & Ellen van Zanten (eds) (2010). ''A survey of word accentual patterns in the languages of the world''. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton, p. 120.</ref> That is to say, in a pitch-accent language, in order to indicate how a word is pronounced it is necessary, as with a stress-accent language, to mark only one syllable in a word as accented, not specify the tone of every syllable. This feature of having only one prominent syllable in a word or morpheme is known as ''culminativity''.<ref name="Downing, Laura 2010 p. 411">Downing, Laura (2010). "Accent in African languages". In Harry van der Hulst, Rob Goedemans, Ellen van Zanten (eds.) ''A Survey of Word Accentual Patterns in the Languages of the World'', p. 411.</ref>

Another property suggested for pitch-accent languages to distinguish them from stress languages is that "Pitch accent languages must satisfy the criterion of having ''invariant tonal contours'' on accented syllables ... This is not so for pure stress languages, where the tonal contours of stressed syllables can vary freely" (Hayes (1995)).<ref>Hayes, Bruce (1995) ''Metrical stress theory: Principles and case studies''. University of Chicago Press; p. 50.</ref> Although this is true of many pitch-accent languages, there are others, such as the [[Franconian (linguistics)|Franconian dialects]], in which the contours vary, for example between declarative and interrogative sentences.<ref name="Köhnlein"/>

According to another proposal, pitch-accent languages ''can only use F0'' (i.e., pitch) to mark the accented syllable, whereas stress languages may also use duration and intensity (Beckman).<ref>Beckman, Mary, (1986). ''Stress and Non-stress Accent''. Dordrecht: Foris.</ref> However, other scholars disagree, and find that intensity and duration can also play a part in the accent of pitch-accent languages.<ref name=Levi />

A feature considered characteristic of stress-accent languages is that a stress-accent is ''obligatory'', that is, that every major word has to have an accent.<ref>Hyman, L.M. (2012). "Do all languages have word-accent?" UC Berkeley Phonology Lab Annual Report (2012), p. 35.</ref> This is not always true of pitch-accent languages, some of which, like Japanese and Northern Bizkaian Basque, have accentless words. But there are also some pitch-accent languages in which every word has an accent.<ref name=Levi />

One feature shared between pitch-accent languages and stress-accent languages is ''demarcativeness'': prominence peaks tend to occur at or near morpheme edges (word/stem initial, word/stem penult, word/stem final).<ref>Downing, L.R.; Mtenje, A.D. (2017), ''The Phonology of Chichewa'', p. 133.</ref>

Often, however, the difference between a pitch-accent language, a stress-accent language, and tonal language is not clear. "It is, in fact, often not straightforward to decide whether a particular pitch system is best described as tonal or accentual. ... Since raised pitch, especially when it coincides with vowel length, makes a syllable perceptually more prominent, it can often require detailed phonetic and phonological analysis to disentangle whether pitch is playing a more stress-like or a more tone-like role in a particular language" (Downing).<ref>Downing, Laura (2010). "Accent in African languages". In Harry van der Hulst, Rob Goedemans, Ellen van Zanten (eds.) ''A Survey of Word Accentual Patterns in the Languages of the World'', p. 382.</ref>

Larry Hyman argues that tone is made up of a variety of different typological features, which can be mixed and matched with some independence from each other.<ref>Larry Hyman, [http://linguistics.berkeley.edu/~hyman/papers/2009-hyman-pitchaccent.pdf "How (not) to do phonological typology: the case of pitch-accent"], ''Language Sciences'' (2009), 31: 213-238</ref> Hyman claims that there can be no coherent definition of pitch-accent, as the term describes languages that have non-prototypical combinations of tone system properties (or both a tone system, usually still non-prototypical, and a stress system simultaneously). Since all pitch-accent languages can be analysed just as well in purely tonal terms, in Hyman's view, the term "pitch-accent" should be superseded by a wider understanding of what qualifies as a tone system - thus, all "pitch-accent" languages are tone languages, and there is simply more variety within tone systems than has historically been admitted.

===Characteristics of the accent===
====High vs. low accent====
When one particular tone is marked in a language in contrast to unmarked syllables, it is usual for it to be a high tone. There are, however, a few languages in which the marked tone is a low tone, for example the [[Dogrib language]] of northwestern Canada,<ref>Hyman, L. (2000), "Privative Tone in Bantu".</ref> [[Kansai dialect|the Kansai dialect of Japanese]], and certain Bantu languages of the Congo such as [[Luba-Kasai language|Ciluba]] and [[Ruund language|Ruund]].<ref>Nash, J.A. (1994), [https://journals.linguisticsociety.org/elanguage/sal/article/download/1296/1296-2281-1-PB.pdf "Underlying Low Tones in Ruwund"]. 
''Studies in African Linguistics'' Volume 23, Number 3,1992-1994.</ref>

====Disyllabic accents====
One difference between a pitch accent and a stress accent is that it is not uncommon for a pitch accent to be realised over two syllables. Thus in [[Serbo-Croatian]], the difference between a "rising" and a "falling" accent is observed only in the pitch of the syllable following the accent: the accent is said to be "rising" if the following syllable is as high as or higher than the accented syllable, but "falling" if it is lower (see [[Serbo-Croatian phonology#Pitch accent]]).<ref>Zec, D., & [[Elizabeth Zsiga|Zsiga, E.]] (2010). [https://zsigaedotcom.files.wordpress.com/2015/10/zec_zsiga_interactiontonestressserbian_fasl18_2010.pdf "Interaction of Tone and Stress in Standard Serbian"] (Formal Approaches to Slavic Linguistics 18, 535–555. Ann Arbor, Mich.: Michigan Slavic Publications.)</ref>

In [[Vedic Sanskrit]], the ancient Indian grammarians described the accent as being a high pitch ({{IAST|udātta}}) followed by a falling tone ({{IAST|svarita}}) on the following syllable; but occasionally, when two syllables had merged, the high tone and the falling tone were combined on one syllable.<ref>Whitney, William Dwight (1879), [https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Sanskrit_Grammar/Chapter_II ''Sanskrit Grammar'' ch. 2], §§81–3.</ref><ref>Allen, W. Sidney (1987), ''Vox Graeca'' (3rd edition), p. 121.</ref>

In [[Swedish language|Standard Swedish]], the difference between accent 1 and accent 2 can only be heard in words of two or more syllables, since the tones take two syllables to be realised. In [[Värmland]] as well as [[Norrland]] accent 1 and 2 can be heard in monosyllabic words however. In the central Swedish dialect of [[Stockholm]], accent 1 is an LHL contour and accent 2 is an HLHL contour, with the second peak in the second syllable.<ref>Tomas Riad [https://www.su.se/polopoly_fs/1.29915.1320939951!/RiadStuf2006.pdf "Scandinavian accent typology"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170808231941/http://www.su.se/polopoly_fs/1.29915.1320939951!/RiadStuf2006.pdf |date=8 August 2017 }}. ''Sprachtypol. Univ. Forsch.'' (STUF), Berlin 59 (2006) 1, 36–55; pp. 38–9.</ref>

In [[Welsh language|Welsh]], in most words the accent is realised as a low tone on the penultimate syllable (which is also stressed) followed by a high tone on the final; but in some dialects this LH contour may take place entirely within the penultimate syllable.<ref name=Cooper>Cooper, S.E. (2015). Bangor University PhD thesis.[http://e.bangor.ac.uk/4740/1/Cooper%202015%20Intonation%20in%20Anglesey%20Welsh.pdf "Intonation in Anglesey Welsh"], p. 165.</ref>

Similarly in the [[Chewa language|Chichewa]] language of Malawi a tone on a final syllable often spreads backwards to the penultimate syllable, so that the word {{lang|ny|Chichew'''á'''}} is actually pronounced ''Chich<u>ēw'''ā'''</u>'' with two mid-tones,<ref>Louw, Johan K. (1987). ''{{lang|ny|Pang'onopang'ono ndi Mtolo}}: Chichewa: A Practical Course''. UNISA Press, vol. 3, p. 22, 60.</ref> or ''Chichěw'''ā''''', with a rising tone on the penultimate syllable.<ref name="DM17">Downing, L.M. & Mtenje, A.D. (2017), ''The Phonology of Chichewa'', p. 119.</ref> Sentence-finally it can become ''Chich<u>ěwà</u>'' with a rising tone on the penultimate and a low tone on the final.<ref name="DM17" /><ref>Cf. Hyman, L.M. (2007) "Tone: Is it different?". UC Berkeley Phonology Lab Annual Report (2007), p. 500.</ref>

====Peak delay====
A phenomenon observed in a number of languages, both fully tonal ones and those with pitch-accent systems, is peak delay.<ref>Yip, Moira (2002) ''Tone'', pp. 8–9.</ref> In this, the high point (peak) of a high tone does not synchronise exactly with the syllable itself, but is reached at the beginning of the following syllable, giving the impression that the high tone has spread over two syllables. The Vedic Sanskrit accent described above has been interpreted as an example of peak delay.<ref name="Beguš16" />

====One-mora accents====
Conversely, a pitch accent in some languages can target just part of a syllable, if the syllable is [[mora (linguistics)|bi-moraic]]. Thus in [[Luganda]], in the word {{lang|lg|Abag'''â'''nda}} "Baganda people" the accent is considered to occur on the first mora of the syllable {{lang|lg|ga(n)}}, but in {{lang|lg|Bugá'''ń'''da}} "Buganda (region)" it occurs on the second half (with spreading back to the first half).<ref>Kamoga, F.K. & [[Earl Stevick|Stevick]] (1968). [http://www.fsi-language-courses.net/languages/Luganda/Basic/FSI%20-%20Luganda%20Basic%20Course%20-%20Instructor%20and%20Student%20Text.pdf ''Luganda Basic Course'']., pp. ix–x.</ref><ref>Dutcher, Katharine & Mary Paster (2008), [http://www.lingref.com/cpp/wccfl/27/paper1824.pdf "Contour Tone Distribution in Luganda"] ''Proceedings of the 27th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics'', ed. Natasha Abner and Jason Bishop, 123-131. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project.</ref> In Ancient Greek, similarly, in the word {{lang|grc|οἶκοι}} ({{grc-transl|'''οἶ'''κοι}}) "houses" the accent is on the first half of the syllable ''oi'', but in {{lang|grc|οἴκοι}} ({{grc-transl|'''οἴ'''κοι}}) "at home" on the second half.<ref name="Smyth, H.W. 1920">Smyth, H.W. (1920) ''Greek Grammar'', §169.</ref> An alternative analysis is to see Luganda and Ancient Greek as belonging to the type of languages where there is a choice of different contours on an accented syllable.

===High tone spread===
====Anticipation====
In some pitch-accent languages, the high pitch of the accent can be anticipated in the preceding syllable or syllables, for example, [[Japanese language|Japanese]] ''at<u>ám'''á'''</u> ga'' "head", [[Basque language|Basque]] {{lang|eu|lag<u>únén am'''ú'''</u>ma}} "the friend's grandmother", [[Turkish language|Turkish]] {{lang|tr|<u>sínírl'''é'''n</u>meyecektiniz}} "you would not get angry",<ref name=Levi/> Belgrade [[Serbian language|Serbian]] {{lang|sr|<u>pápr'''í'''</u>ka}} "pepper",<ref>Inkelas, Sharon & Draga Zec (1988). "Serbo-Croatian pitch accent". ''Language'' 64.227–248, pp. 230–1, quoted in Hyman, L.M. (2007) "Tone: Is it different?". UC Berkeley Phonology Lab Annual Report (2007).</ref> Ancient Greek {{lang|grc|<u>ápáít'''é'''</u>ì}} "it demands".<ref>[[Seikilos epitaph]] line 4. See also: Devine, A.M.; Stephens, Laurence D. (1991). [https://www.jstor.org/stable/284454 "Dionysius of Halicarnassus, De Compositione Verborum XI: Reconstructing the Phonetics of the Greek Accent"]. ''Transactions of the American Philological Association''. 121: 229–286; pages 272, 283.</ref>

====Forwards spreading====
Forwards spreading of a tone is also common in some languages. For example, in the [[Northern Ndebele language]] of Zimbabwe, the tonal accent on the prefix ''ú-'' spreads forward to all the syllables in the word except the last two: {{lang|nd|<u>'''ú'''kú</u>hleka}} "to laugh"; {{lang|nd|<u>'''ú'''kúhlékí</u>sana}} "to make one another laugh". Sometimes the sequence HHHH then becomes LLLH, so that in the related language [[Zulu language|Zulu]], the equivalent of these words is {{lang|zu|uk'''ú'''hleka}} and {{lang|zu|ukuhlek'''í'''sana}} with an accent shifted to the antepenultimate syllable.<ref>Hyman, L.M. (2007) "Tone: Is it different?". UC Berkeley Phonology Lab Annual Report (2007), p. 498.</ref>

In [[Yaqui]], the accent is signalled by an upstep before the accented syllable. The high pitch continues after the accent, declining slightly, until the next accented syllable.<ref name="Hagberg08" /> Thus it is the opposite of Japanese, where the accent is preceded by high pitch, and its position is signalled by a downstep after the accented syllable.

====Plateau between accents====
In other languages the high pitch of an accent, instead of dropping to a low on the following syllable, in some circumstances can continue in a plateau to the next accented syllable, as in [[Luganda]] {{lang|lg|k<u>'''í'''rí mú Búg'''áń'''</u>da}} "it is in Buganda" (contrast {{lang|lg|k'''í'''ri mu Bunyóró}} "it is in Bunyoro", in which ''Bunyóró'' is unaccented apart from automatic default tones).<ref>Kamoga, F.K. & Earl Stevick (1968). [http://www.fsi-language-courses.net/languages/Luganda/Basic/FSI%20-%20Luganda%20Basic%20Course%20-%20Instructor%20and%20Student%20Text.pdf ''Luganda Basic Course'']. Foreign Service Institute, Washington, pp. 105, 29.</ref>

Plateauing is also found in [[Chewa language|Chichewa]], where in some circumstances a sequence of HLH can change to HHH. For example, {{lang|ny|nd'''í'''}} + {{lang|ny|njing'''á'''}} "with a bicycle" makes {{lang|ny|nd<u>'''í''' njíng'''á'''</u>}}  with a plateau.<ref>Downing, L.J. & Mtenje, A.D. (2017) ''The Phonology of Chichewa'', p. 122.</ref>

In Western [[Basque language|Basque]] and Luganda, the default high tones automatically added to accentless words can spread in a continuous plateau through the phrase as far as the first accent, for example, in Basque {{lang|eu|Jon<u>én lágúnén ám'''ú'''</u>ma}} "John's friend's grandmother",<ref name="Hualde 2006 p161">{{harvnb|Hualde|2006|page=161}}</ref> Luganda {{lang|lg|ab<u>ántú mú kíb'''ú'''</u>ga}} "people in the city".<ref>Kamoga, F.K. & [[Earl Stevick|Stevick]] (1968). [http://www.fsi-language-courses.net/languages/Luganda/Basic/FSI%20-%20Luganda%20Basic%20Course%20-%20Instructor%20and%20Student%20Text.pdf ''Luganda Basic Course'']. Foreign Service Institute, Washington; p. xviii.</ref>

===Simple pitch-accent languages===
According to the first two criteria above, the Tokyo dialect of [[Japanese language|Japanese]] is often considered a typical pitch-accent language, since the pronunciation of any word can be specified by marking just one syllable as accented, and in every word the accent is realised by a fall in pitch immediately after the accented syllable. In the examples below the accented syllable is marked in bold (the particle {{tlit|ja|ga}} indicates that the word is subject):<ref name=Hyman2009>Hyman, Larry M. (2009). [http://linguistics.berkeley.edu/~hyman/papers/2009-hyman-pitchaccent.pdf "How (not) to do phonological typology: the case of pitch-accent"]. ''Language Sciences'' 31, 213–238.</ref>
*{{tlit|ja|m'''á'''kura ga}} "pillow"
*{{tlit|ja|an'''á'''ta ga}} "you"
*{{tlit|ja|atám'''á''' ga}} "head"
*{{tlit|ja|sakáná gá}} "fish" (unaccented)

In Japanese there are also other high-toned syllables, which are added to the word automatically, but these do not count as accents, since they are not followed by a low syllable. As can be seen, some of the words in Japanese have no accent.

In [[Proto-Indo-European language|Proto-Indo-European]] and its descendant, [[Vedic Sanskrit]], the system is comparable to Tokyo Japanese and [[Cupeño language|Cupeño]] in most respects, specifying pronunciation through inherently accented morphemes such as {{PIE|''*-ró-''}} and {{PIE|''*-tó-''}} (Vedic {{IAST|-rá-}} and {{IAST|-tá-}}) and inherently unaccented morphemes.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Lundquist |first1=Jesse |last2=Yates |first2=Anthony |year=2017 |url=https://pies.ucla.edu/resources/ady/papers/IEmorph-F.pdf |title=The Morphology of Proto-Indo-European |publisher=[[University of California, Los Angeles]] |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201111183603/https://pies.ucla.edu/resources/ady/papers/IEmorph-F.pdf |archive-date=2020-11-11 |url-status=dead}}</ref> The examples below demonstrate the formation of such words using morphemes:
* PIE {{PIE|*/''h{{sub|2}}erǵ-ró-(o)s''/}} > ''{{PIE|*h{{sub|2}}r̥ǵrós}}'' "shining" (Vedic {{IAST|r̥jrás}})
* PIE {{PIE|*/''ḱlew-tó-(o)s''/}} > ''{{PIE|*ḱlutós}}'' "heard (of), famous" (Vedic {{IAST|śrutás}})

If there are multiple accented morphemes, the accent is determined by specific morphophonological principles. Below is a comparison of Vedic, Tokyo Japanese and Cupeño regarding accent placement:
* Vedic {{IPA|/''gáv-ā́''/}} > {{IPA|''gáv-ā''}} "with the cow"
* Japanese {{IPA|/''yón-dára''/}} > {{IPA|''yón-dara''}} "if (he) reads"
* Cupeño {{IPA|/''ʔáyu-qá''/}} > {{IPA|''ʔáyu-qa''}} "(he) wants"

The [[Basque language|Basque]] language has a system very similar to Japanese. In some Basque dialects, as in Tokyo Japanese, there are accented and unaccented words; in other dialects all major words have an accent.<ref>{{harvnb|Hualde|2006|page=159}}</ref> As with Japanese, the accent in Basque consists of a high pitch followed by a fall on the next syllable.

[[Turkish language|Turkish]] is another language often considered a pitch-accent language (see [[Turkish phonology#Word-accent]]). In some circumstances, for example in the second half of a compound, the accent can disappear.

[[Persian language|Persian]] has also been called a pitch-accent language in recent studies, although the high tone of the accent is also accompanied by stress; and as with Turkish, in some circumstances the accent can be neutralised and disappear.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Abolhasanizadeh |first1=Vahideh |last2=Bijankhan |first2=Mahmood |last3=Gussenhoven |first3=Carlos |year=2012 |title=The Persian pitch accent and its retention after the focus |journal=Lingua |language=en |volume=122 |issue=13 |pages=1380–1394 |doi=10.1016/j.lingua.2012.06.002}}</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Sadat-Tehrani|2007}}</ref><ref>Hosseini, Seyed Ayat (2014) [http://roa.rutgers.edu/content/article/files/1314_hosseini_1.pdf "The Phonology and Phonetics of Prosodic Prominence in Persian"] Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Tokyo, p.22f for a review of the literature; also p.35.</ref> Because the accent is both stressed and high-pitched, Persian can be considered intermediate between a pitch-accent language and a stress-accent language.

===More complex pitch accents===
In some simple pitch-accent languages, such as Ancient Greek, the accent on a long vowel or diphthong could be on either half of the vowel, making a contrast possible between a rising accent and a falling one; compare {{lang|grc|οἴκοι}} ({{grc-transl|'''οἴ'''κοι}}) "at home" vs. {{lang|grc|οἶκοι}} ({{grc-transl|'''οἶ'''κοι}}) "houses".<ref name="Smyth, H.W. 1920"/> Similarly in [[Luganda]], in bimoraic syllables a contrast is possible between a level and falling accent: {{lang|lg|Bug'''áń'''da}} "Buganda (region)", vs. {{lang|lg|Abag'''â'''nda}} "Baganda (people)". However, such contrasts are not common or systematic in these languages.

In more complex types of pitch-accent languages, although there is still only one accent per word, there is a systematic contrast of more than one pitch-contour on the accented syllable, for example, H vs. HL in the Colombian language [[Barasana-Eduria language|Barasana]],<ref name=Levi /> accent 1 vs. accent 2 in [[Swedish language|Swedish]] and [[Norwegian language|Norwegian]], rising vs. falling tone in [[Serbo-Croatian language|Serbo-Croatian]], and a choice between level (neutral), rising, and falling in [[Punjabi language|Punjabi]].

Other languages deviate from a simple pitch accent in more complicated ways. For example, in describing the [[Osaka]] dialect of [[Japanese language|Japanese]], it is necessary to specify not only which syllable of a word is accented, but also whether the initial syllable of the word is high or low.<ref name="Hyman2009"/>

In [[Luganda]] the accented syllable is usually followed immediately after the HL of the accent by an automatic default tone, slightly lower than the tone of the accent, e.g., {{lang|lg|t'''ú'''gend<u>á</u>}} "we are going"; however, there are some words such as {{lang|lg|b'''á'''lilab<u>á</u>}} "they will see", where the automatic default tone does not follow the accent immediately but after an interval of two or three syllables. In such words it is therefore necessary to specify not only which syllable has the accent, but where the default tone begins.<ref>Hyman, Larry M. & Francis X. Katamba (1993). [https://www.jstor.org/stable/416415 "A new approach to tone in Luganda"], in ''Language''. 69. 1. pp.&nbsp;33–67; see pp. 36, 45.</ref>

Because of the number of ways languages can use tone, some linguists, such as the tonal languages specialist [[Larry Hyman]], argue that the category "pitch-accent language" can have no coherent definition, and that all such languages should simply be referred to as "tonal languages".<ref name=Hyman2009 />