Editing Seattle General Strike (section)

==Background==
In these years, more workers in the city were organized in unions than ever before. There was a 400 percent increase in union membership from 1915 to 1918. At the time, workers in the United States, particularly in the [[Pacific Northwest]], were becoming increasingly radicalized, with many in the rank and file supportive of the recent [[Russian Revolution of 1917|revolution in Russia]] and working toward a similar revolution in the United States. In the fall of 1919, for instance, Seattle [[longshoremen]] refused to load arms destined for the anti-Bolshevik [[White Movement|White Army]] in Russia and attacked those who attempted to load them.<ref>[http://www.prole.info/texts/seattle1919.html History Committee of the General Strike Committee] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110810020915/http://www.prole.info/texts/seattle1919.html |date=2011-08-10 }}, accessed June 6, 2011</ref>

The arrival of the Russian steamship ''Shilka'' in Seattle on December 24, 1917 added to the thought of Bolshevik involvement. The ship had been damaged and thrown off course in a storm and limped its way into the port almost out of fuel, food and fresh water.  The U.S. Attorney in Seattle was tipped off by an "informant" that the ship was coming and it was going to "aid the enemy."<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Spence|first=Richard B.|date=2017-04-03|title=The Voyage of the Shilka : The Bolshevik Revolution Comes To Seattle, 1917|journal=American Communist History|volume=16|issue=1–2|pages=88–101|doi=10.1080/14743892.2017.1330106|s2cid=159539922 |issn=1474-3892}}</ref> The enemy at this time would have been the labor parties threatening a strike.  Many believed that its arrival signified a Bolshevik connection with the labor unrest in Seattle.&nbsp;A lot of rumors came about because of this ship's arrival.&nbsp;The [[Seattle Post-Intelligencer]] ran a front-page article about an I.W.W. ship being held that contained over a hundred thousand dollars to help I.W.W. members get out of jail.<ref>{{Cite journal|date=October 1976|title=Charles Pierce Lewarne. ''Utopias on Puget Sound, 1885–1915''. Seattle: University of Washington Press. 1975. pp. xiv, 325. $12.50.|journal=The American Historical Review|doi=10.1086/ahr/81.4.985-a|issn=1937-5239}}</ref>&nbsp;This article proved to be false as the search of the vessel by local law enforcement turned up nothing of significance.&nbsp;A first-hand account of a sailor aboard the ship claimed that there was no evidence found on board because the only contentious material was some flyers in a briefcase that were carried off of the ship upon its arrival.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Lenin's impact on the United States.|editor=Mason Daniel |editor2=Smith, Jessica|date=1970|publisher=N.W.R. Publications|oclc=92937}}</ref>&nbsp;Another passenger that arrived with the ship was arrested for taking part in labor talks with one of the unions in the area.<ref>Magden, Ronald. “The Radical Era.” ''A History of Seattle Waterfront Workers, 1884–1934''. 1st ed. Seattle, Wash.: International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union 19 of Seattle, the Washington Commission for the Humanities, 1991.</ref> Although there was never any concrete evidence connecting the ''Shilka'' to the labor parties of Seattle, there was enough to show that the labor parties at the least had the support of Bolshevik Russia. There was a lot of fear of the Bolsheviks because it was known that they had been hoping for a revolution in the Western world in order to support Russia by pooling resources.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Cole|first=G. D. H.|date=October 1952|title=The Bolshevik Revolution|journal=Soviet Studies|volume=4|issue=2|pages=139–151|doi=10.1080/09668135208409848|issn=0038-5859}}</ref>

Most unions in Seattle were officially affiliated with the AFL, but the ideas of ordinary workers tended to be more radical than their leaders. A local labor leader from the time discussed the politics of Seattle's workers in June 1919:<ref name="Brecher120">Brecher, 120</ref>

<blockquote>I believe that 95 percent of us agree that the workers should control the industries. Nearly all of us agree on that but very strenuously disagree on the method. Some of us think we can get control through the Cooperative movement, some of us think through political action, and others think through industrial action.</blockquote>

Another journalist described the spread of [[propaganda]] relating to the Russian Revolution:<ref name="Brecher120"/>

<blockquote>For some time these pamphlets were seen by hundreds on Seattle's streetcars and ferries, read by men of the shipyards on their way to work. Seattle's businessmen commented on the phenomenon sourly; it was plain to everyone that these workers were conscientiously and energetically studying how to organize their coming to power. Already, workers in Seattle talked about "workers' power" as a practical policy for the not far distant future.</blockquote>
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