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Taiwanization
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== History and development == [[File:中華民國第一位民選首都市長吳三連於1951年勝選後 First People-elected Mayor of Taipei, the Capital of TAIWAN.jpg|thumb|[[Tangwai movement|Tangwai]] politicians in Taipei in 1951.]]{{Unreferenced section|date=March 2018}} No one can confirm when the concept of Taiwanization has started. Some say when the first large wave of Han people emigrated from mainland China to Taiwan in the mid-16th century, they must have wanted to maintain some independence from the control of the ruling class in their original hometown. Others say that only when the [[Kingdom of Tungning]], with its capital at Tainan, was built by the Zheng family in 1662, did this concept appear. Most Chinese contemporary scholars of mainland China believe the roots of the localization movement began during the [[Taiwan under Japanese rule|Japanese rule]] (1895 to 1945), when groups organized to lobby the [[Imperial Japan]]ese government for greater Taiwanese autonomy and home rule. After the [[Kuomintang]] (KMT) took over Taiwan, the Taiwan home-rule groups were decimated in the wake of the [[February 28 Incident]] of 1947. The KMT viewed Taiwan primarily as a base to retake mainland China and quickly tried to subdue potential political opposition on the island. The KMT did little to promote a unique Taiwanese identity; often newly immigrated Chinese or "[[Mainland Chinese|mainlander]]s" as they were called, working in administrative positions, lived in neighborhoods where they were segregated from the Taiwanese. Others, especially poorer refugees, were shunned by the [[Hoklo people|Hoklo Taiwanese]] and lived among aborigines instead. The mainlanders often learned [[Taiwanese Hokkien|Hokkien]]. However, since Mandarin was enforced as the official language of the Republic of China and Taiwanese was not allowed to be spoken in schools, the mainlanders who learned Taiwanese found their new language skills to diminish. As Taiwanese, or any language other than Mandarin, was forbidden in the military posts, many mainlanders whose family lived in [[Military dependents' village|martial villages]] only spoke Mandarin and perhaps their home language (e.g. [[Cantonese]], [[Shanghainese]], etc.). The promotion of [[Chinese nationalism]] within Taiwan and the fact that the ruling group on Taiwan were considered outsiders by some were the reasons cited for both the [[Taiwan independence]] movement and Taiwanization.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Chiung |first=Wi-Vun Taiffalo |date=2001 |title=Language and Ethnic Identity in Taiwan. |url=http://uibun.twl.ncku.edu.tw/chuliau/lunsoat/english/lgid/lang-id-v.pdf |journal=Paper Presented at the 7th North American Taiwan Studies Conference |pages=1–27 |via=[[University of Washington]], Seattle.}}</ref> In the 1970s and 1980s there was a shift in power away from the KMT to people native to Taiwan. This, combined with cultural liberalization and the increasing remoteness of the possibility of retaking mainland China, led to a cultural and political movement which emphasized a Taiwan-centered view of history and culture rather than one which was China-centered or even, as before 1946, Japan-centered. Taiwanization was strongly supported by President [[Lee Teng-hui]]. The ''Bentuhua'' or ''localization/indigenization movement'' was sparked in the mid-1970s with the growing expression of ethnic discontent due to unequal distribution of political and cultural power between mainlanders and Taiwanese people. Beginning in the 1960s, Taiwan was enveloped by the problems of rapid industrial development, rural abandonment, labor disputes and the uneven distribution of access to wealth and social power. These changes, combined with the loss of several key allies, forced the KMT regime to institute limited reforms. The reforms permitted under Chiang Ching-kuo allowed indigenization to increase as leading dissidents generated a response to the government's failures. The dissident groups, united under the "[[tangwai movement|Tangwai]]", or “outside the party” banner, called for the government to accept the reality that it was only the government of Taiwan and not China. The key demands of the Tangwai involved instituting democracy and seeking international recognition as a sovereign state. Taiwanese demanded full civil rights as guaranteed under the ROC constitution and equal political rights as those experienced by the Mainlander elite. The Taiwanese cultural elite fully promoted the development of ''Xiang tu'' literature and cultural activities, including rediscovering Taiwanese nativist literature written under Japanese colonial rule. The [[tangwai movement]] revived symbols of Taiwanese resistance to Japanese rule in the effort to mobilize ethnic Taiwanese. The opposition to the KMT's China-centered cultural policies resulted in dissidents crafting new national-historical narratives that placed the island of Taiwan itself at the center of the island's history. The Taiwanese emerged as a frequently colonized and often oppressed people. The concept of ''bentuhua'' was finally expressed in the cultural domain in the premise of Taiwan as a place with a unique society, culture and history. This principle has been largely adopted for understanding Taiwan's cultural representation and expressed in a variety of cultural activities, including [[Taiwanese literature movement|music, film and the literary and performing arts]]. The pressures of indigenization and the growing acceptance of a unique Taiwanese cultural identity have met opposition from more conservative elements of Taiwan society. Critics argue that the new perspective creates a “false” identity rooted in ethnic nationalism as opposed to an “authentic” Chinese identity, which is primordial and inherent. Many mainlanders living on Taiwan complain that their own culture is marginalized by ''bentuhua'', and initially expressed fear of facing growing alienation. In the past decade these complaints have subsided somewhat as Taiwan increasingly views itself as a pluralistic society that embraces many cultures and recognizes the rights of all citizens. In the mid-to-late 1990s, gestures toward Taiwanization were increasingly adopted by pro-unification figures who, while supporting the Chinese nationalism of [[Chiang Kai-shek]], saw it as appropriate, or at least advisable, to display more appreciation for cultures of Taiwan. Pro-unification politicians such as [[James Soong]], the former head of the Government Information Office who once oversaw the limitation of Taiwanese dialects, began speaking in Hoklo on semi-formal occasions.
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