Editing World Values Survey (section)

==Insights==
The WVS has over the years demonstrated that people's [[beliefs]] play a key role in [[economic development]], the emergence and flourishing of democratic institutions, the rise of [[gender equality]], and the extent to which societies have effective [[government]].{{citation needed|date=May 2019}}

===Inglehart–Welzel cultural map===
[[File:Inglehart Values Map.svg|thumb|right|300px]]
{{Main|Inglehart–Welzel cultural map of the world}}
Analysis of WVS data made by political scientists [[Ronald Inglehart]] and [[Christian Welzel]] asserts that there are two major dimensions of cross cultural variation in the world: 
# ''Traditional values'' versus ''secular-rational values'' and 
# ''Survival values'' versus ''self-expression values''.
The global cultural map shows how scores of societies are located on these two dimensions. Moving upward on this map reflects the shift from Traditional values to Secular-rational and moving rightward reflects the shift from Survival values to Self-expression values.<ref name=wvs-old>{{cite web|url=http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/wvs/articles/folder_published/article_base_54 |title=The WVS Cultural Map of the World |publisher=WVS |author1=Ronald Inglehart |author2=Chris Welzel |access-date=6 October 2014 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131019112321/http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/wvs/articles/folder_published/article_base_54 |archive-date=October 19, 2013 }}</ref>

''Traditional values'' emphasize the importance of religion, parent-child ties, deference to authority and traditional [[family values]]. People who embrace these values also reject divorce, abortion, euthanasia and suicide.  These societies have high levels of national pride and a nationalistic outlook.<ref name=wvs-old/>

''Secular-rational values'' have the opposite preferences to the traditional values. These societies place less emphasis on religion, traditional family values and authority. Divorce, abortion, euthanasia and suicide are seen as relatively acceptable.<ref name=wvs-old/>

''Survival values'' place emphasis on economic and physical security. It is linked with a relatively [[ethnocentric]] outlook and low levels of trust and tolerance.<ref name=wvs-old/>

''[[Self-expression values]]'' give high priority to environmental protection, growing tolerance of foreigners, gays and lesbians and gender equality, and rising demands for participation in decision-making in economic and political life.<ref name=wvs-old/>

Christian Welzel introduced the concepts of ''emancipative values'' and ''secular values''. He provided measurements for those values using World Values Survey data. Emancipative values are an updated version of self-expression values. Secular values are an updated version of traditional versus secular rational values. The survival versus self-expression values and the traditional versus secular rational values were factors extracted with an orthogonal technique of [[factor analysis]], which forbids the two scales from correlating with each other. The emancipative and secular values are measured in such a way as to represent the data as faithfully as possible even if this results in a correlation between the scales.  The secular and emancipative values indices are positively correlated with each other.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Inglehart|first=Ronald F.|title=Cultural Evolution|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=2018|isbn=978-1-108-61388-0|pages=47|chapter=Chapter 3. Global Cultural Patterns|doi=10.1017/9781108613880}}</ref>

====Culture variations====
A somewhat simplified analysis is that following an increase in [[standards of living]], and a transit from development country via [[industrialization]] to  [[post-industrial society|post-industrial]] [[Society#Knowledge society|knowledge society]], a country tends to move diagonally in the direction from lower-left corner (poor) to upper-right corner (rich), indicating a transit in both dimensions.

However, the attitudes among the population are also highly correlated with the philosophical, political and religious ideas that have been dominating in the country. Secular-rational values and [[materialism]] were formulated by philosophers and the [[left-wing politics]] side in the [[French Revolution]], and can consequently be observed especially in countries with a long history of social democratic or socialistic policy, and in  countries where a large portion of the population have studied philosophy and science at universities.  Survival values are characteristic for eastern-world countries and self-expression values for western-world countries. In a liberal [[post-industrial economy]], an increasing share of the population has grown up taking survival and freedom of thought for granted, resulting in that self-expression is highly valued.

====Examples====
* Societies that have high scores in Traditional and Survival values: Zimbabwe, Morocco, Jordan, Bangladesh.
* Societies with high scores in Traditional and Self-expression values: Most of Latin America, Ireland.
* Societies with high scores in Secular-rational and Survival values: Russia, Bulgaria, Ukraine, Estonia.
* Societies with high scores in Secular-rational and Self-expression values: Japan, [[Nordic countries]], [[Benelux]], Germany, Switzerland, Czechia, Slovenia, France.

===Gender values===
Findings from the WVS indicate that support for [[gender equality]] is not just a consequence of [[democratization]]. It is part of a broader cultural change that is transforming [[Industrialisation|industrialized societies]] with mass demands for increasingly democratic institutions. Although a majority of the world's population still believes that men make better political leaders than women, this view is fading in advanced industrialized societies, and also among young people in less prosperous countries.{{Sfn | Alesina | Giuliano | Nunn | 2010}}

World Values Survey data is used by the [[United Nations Development Programme|United Nation Development Programme]] in order to calculate the ''gender social norms index.'' The index measures attitudes toward gender equality worldwide and was introduced in the [[Human Development Report]] starting from 2019. The index has four components, measuring gender attitudes in politics, education and economy as well as social norms related to domestic violence.<ref>United Nations Development Programme. 2020 Human Development Perspectives. ''[http://hdr.undp.org/sites/default/files/hd_perspectives_gsni.pdf Tackling social norms: A game changer for gender inequalities].'' Pages 6-8.</ref>

===Religion===
The data from the World Values Survey cover several important aspects of people's religious orientation.  One of them tracks how involved people are in religious services and how much importance they attach to their religious beliefs.  In the data from 2000, 98% of the public in [[Indonesia]] said that religion was very important in their lives while in [[China]] only three percent considered religion very important.{{Sfn | Inglehart | Basanez | Diez-Medrano | Halman | 2004 | p = 2}}  Another aspect concerns people's attitudes towards the relation between religion and politics and whether they approve of religious spokesmen who try to influence government decisions and people's voting preferences.

In a [[factor analysis]] of wave 6 of World Values Survey data, [[Arno Tausch]] ([[Corvinus University of Budapest]]) found that family values in the tradition of [[Joseph Schumpeter]] and religious values in the research tradition of [[Robert Barro]] can be an important positive asset for society. Negative phenomena, like the distrust in the state of law; the shadow economy; the distance from altruistic values; a growing fatigue of democracy; and the lack of entrepreneurial spirit are all correlated with the loss of [[religiosity]]. Tausch based his results on a [[factor analysis]] with promax rotation of 78 variables from 45 countries with complete data, and also calculated performance indices for the 45 countries with complete data and the nine main global religious denominations. On this account, [[Judaism]] and also [[Protestantism]] emerge as most closely combining religion and the traditions of the [[Age of Enlightenment|Enlightenment]].<ref>Tausch A. (2015) Towards new maps of global human values, based on World Values Survey (6) data. [[Corvinus University Budapest]] https://ideas.repec.org/p/pra/mprapa/63349.html</ref>

===Happiness and life satisfaction===
The WVS has shown that from 1981 to 2007 happiness rose in 45 of the 52 countries for which long-term data are available.<ref name=wvs-old2>{{cite web|url=http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/wvs/articles/folder_published/article_base_122 |title=Is Denmark the happiest country in the world? |publisher=WVS |author=WVSA |access-date=9 September 2015 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131019111440/http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/wvs/articles/folder_published/article_base_122 |archive-date=October 19, 2013 }}</ref> Since 1981, economic development, democratization, and rising social tolerance have increased the extent to which people perceive that they have free choice, which in turn has led to higher levels of happiness around the world, which supports the [[human development theory]].<ref name=wvs-old2/>

===Findings===
Some of the survey's basic findings are:
# Much of the variation in human values between societies boils down to two broad dimensions: a first dimension of “''traditional vs. secular-rational values''” and a second dimension of “''survival vs. self-expression values''.”{{Sfn | Inglehart | Welzel | 2005 | loc = chapter 2}}
# On the first dimension, traditional values emphasize religiosity, national pride, respect for authority, obedience and marriage. Secular-rational values emphasize the opposite on each of these accounts.{{Sfn | Inglehart | Welzel | 2005 | loc = chapter 2}}
# On the second dimension, survival values involve a priority of security over liberty, non-acceptance of homosexuality, abstinence from political action, distrust in outsiders and a weak sense of happiness. Self-expression values imply the opposite on all these accounts.{{Sfn | Inglehart | Welzel | 2005 | loc = chapter 2}}
# Following the 'revised theory of modernization,' values change in predictable ways with certain aspects of modernity. People's priorities shift from traditional to secular-rational values as their ''sense of existential security'' increases (or backwards from secular-rational values to traditional values as their sense of existential security decreases).{{Sfn | Inglehart | Welzel | 2005 | loc = chapter 2}}
# The largest increase in existential security occurs with the ''transition from agrarian to industrial societies''. Consequently, the largest shift from traditional towards secular-rational values happens in this phase.{{Sfn | Inglehart | Welzel | 2005 | loc = chapter 2}}
# People's priorities shift from survival to self-expression values as their ''sense of individual agency'' increases (or backwards from self-expression values to survival as the sense of individual agency decreases).{{Sfn | Inglehart | Welzel | 2005 | loc = chapter 2}}
# The largest increase in individual agency occurs with the ''transition from industrial to knowledge societies''. Consequently, the largest shift from survival to self-expression values happens in this phase.{{Sfn | Inglehart | Welzel | 2005 | loc = chapter 2}}
# The value differences between societies around the world show a pronounced ''culture zone pattern''. The strongest emphasis on traditional values and survival values is found in the Islamic societies of the Middle East. By contrast, the strongest emphasis on secular-rational values and self-expression values is found in the Protestant societies of Northern Europe.{{Sfn | Welzel | Inglehart | Klingemann | 2003 | pp = 341–80}}
# These culture zone differences reflect different ''historical pathways'' of how entire groups of societies entered modernity. These pathways account for people's different senses of existential security and individual agency, which in turn account for their different emphases on secular-rational values and self-expression values.{{Sfn | Welzel | Inglehart | Klingemann | 2003 | pp = 341–80}}
# Values also differ within societies along such cleavage lines as gender, generation, ethnicity, religious denomination, education, income and so forth.{{Sfn | Inglehart | Welzel | 2010 | pp = 551–67}}
# Generally speaking, groups whose living conditions provide people with a stronger sense of existential security and individual agency nurture a stronger emphasis on secular-rational values and self-expression values.{{Sfn | Inglehart | Welzel | 2010 | pp = 551–67}}
# However, the ''within''-societal differences in people's values are dwarfed by a factor five to ten by the ''between''-societal differences. On a global scale, basic living conditions differ still much more between than within societies, and so do the experiences of existential security and individual agency that shape people's values.{{Sfn | Inglehart | Welzel | 2010 | pp = 551–67}}
# A specific subset of self-expression values—''[[emancipation|emancipative]] values''—combines an emphasis on freedom of choice and equality of opportunities. Emancipative values, thus, involve priorities for lifestyle liberty, gender equality, personal [[autonomy]] and the voice of the people.{{Sfn | Alexander | Welzel | 2010 | pp = 1–21}}
# Emancipative values constitute the key cultural component of a broader process of ''human empowerment''. Once set in motion, this process empowers people to exercise freedoms in their course of actions.{{Sfn | Welzel | Inglehart | 2010 | pp = 43–63}}
# If set in motion, human empowerment advances on three levels. On the socio-economic level, human empowerment advances as growing ''action resources'' increase people's capabilities to exercise freedoms. On the socio-cultural level, human empowerment advances as rising ''emancipative values'' increase people's aspirations to exercise freedoms.  On the legal-institutional level, human empowerment advances as widened ''democratic rights'' increase people's entitlements to exercise freedoms.{{Sfn | Welzel | Inglehart | Klingemann | 2003 | pp = 341–80}}
# Human empowerment is an ''entity of empowering capabilities, aspirations, and entitlements''. As an entity, human empowerment tends to advance in virtuous spirals or to recede in vicious spirals on each of its three levels.{{Sfn | Welzel | Inglehart | 2008 | pp = 126–40}}
# As the cultural component of human empowerment, emancipative values are highly consequential in manifold ways. For one, emancipative values establish a ''civic form of modern individualism'' that favours out-group trust and cosmopolitan orientations towards others.{{Sfn | Welzel | 2010 | pp = 1–23}}
# Emancipative values encourage ''nonviolent protest'', even against the risk of repression. Thus, emancipative values provide [[social capital]] that activates societies, makes publics more self-expressive, and vitalizes civil society. Emancipative values advance entire societies' civic agency.{{Sfn | Welzel | Inglehart | Deutsch | 2005 | p = 121–46}}
# If emancipative values grow strong in countries that are democratic, they help to ''prevent movements away from democracy''.{{Sfn | Welzel | 2007 | pp = 397–424}}
# If emancipative values grow strong in countries that are undemocratic, they help to trigger ''movements towards democracy''.{{Sfn | Welzel | 2007 | pp = 397–424}}
# Emancipative values exert these effects because they encourage mass actions that put power holders under pressures to sustain, substantiate or establish democracy, depending on what the current challenge for democracy is.{{Sfn | Welzel | 2007 | pp = 397–424}}
# Objective factors that have been found to favour democracy (including economic prosperity, income equality, ethnic homogeneity, world market integration, global media exposure, closeness to democratic neighbours, a Protestant heritage, social capital and so forth) exert an influence on democracy mostly insofar as these factors favour emancipative values.{{Sfn | Welzel | 2007 | pp = 397–424}}
# Emancipative values do not strengthen people's desire for democracy, for the desire for democracy is universal at this point in history. But emancipative values do change the ''nature of the desire for democracy''. And they do so in a double way.{{Sfn | Welzel | Inglehart | 2010 | pp = 311–29}}
# For one, emancipative values make people's understanding of democracy more liberal: people with stronger emancipative values emphasize the empowering features of democracy rather than bread-and-butter and law-and-order issues.{{Sfn | Welzel | Inglehart | 2010 | pp = 311–29}}
# Next, emancipative values make people assess the level of their country's democracy more critically: people with stronger emancipative values rather underrate than overrate their country's democratic performance.{{Sfn | Welzel | Inglehart | 2010 | pp = 311–29}}{{failed verification|date=April 2021}}
# Together, then, emancipative values generate a ''critical-liberal desire for democracy''. The critical-liberal desire for democracy is a formidable force of democratic reforms.  And, it is the best available predictor of a country's effective level of democracy and of other indicators of good governance. Neither democratic traditions nor cognitive mobilization account for the strong positive impact of emancipative values on the critical-liberal desire for democracy.{{Sfn | Welzel | Inglehart | 2010 | pp = 311–29}}
# Emancipative values constitute the single most important factor in advancing the [[empowerment]] of women. Economic, religious, and institutional factors that have been found to advance women's empowerment, do so for the most part because they nurture emancipative values.{{Sfn | Alexander | Welzel | 2010 | pp = 1–21}}
# Emancipative values change people's life strategy from an emphasis on securing a decent subsistence level to enhancing human agency. As the shift from subsistence to agency affects entire societies, the overall level of [[subjective well-being]] rises.{{Sfn | Welzel | Inglehart | 2010 | pp = 43–63}}
# The emancipative consequences of the human empowerment process are not a culture-specific peculiarity of the 'West.' The same empowerment processes that advance emancipative values and a critical-liberal desire for democracy in the 'West,' do the same in the 'East' and in other culture zones.{{Sfn | Welzel | 2011 | pp = 1–31}}
# The social dominance of Islam and individual identification as Muslim both weaken emancipative values. But among young Muslims with high education, and especially among young Muslim women with high education, the Muslim/Non-Muslim gap over emancipative values closes.{{Sfn | Alexander | Welzel | 2011}}

A 2013 analysis noted the number of people in various countries responding that they would prefer not to have neighbors of the different race ranged from below 5% in many countries to 51.4% in Jordan, with wide variation in Europe.<ref>[https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2013/05/15/a-fascinating-map-of-the-worlds-most-and-least-racially-tolerant-countries/ A fascinating map of the world’s most and least racially tolerant countries]</ref>

According to the 2017-2020 world values survey, 95% of Chinese respondents have significant confidence in their government, compared with the world average of 45% government satisfaction.<ref name=":0">{{Cite book |last=Jin |first=Keyu |title=The New China Playbook: Beyond Socialism and Capitalism |date=2023 |publisher=Viking |isbn=978-1-9848-7828-1 |location=New York |author-link=Keyu Jin}}</ref>{{Rp|page=13}}