Editing Anti-English sentiment (section)

===United States===

{{further|United Kingdom–United States relations}}
In the early years of the Republic, Anglophobia was particularly associated with the [[Jeffersonian Republicans]] in the 1790s, who warned that close ties with Great Britain were especially dangerous because that nation was an enemy of American Republicanism. By contrast, the opposing [[Federalist Party]] warned that the Jeffersonians were too sympathetic to the radicalism of the French Revolution. The [[Origins of the War of 1812]] involved claimed violations against American neutrality by the United Kingdom during the Napoleonic Wars.  The [[Treaty of Ghent]], ratified in 1815 and ending the War of 1812, established peaceful relations for the two countries that has lasted more than two centuries, though this was stressed at times in the years following the treaty by events such as the [[Trent Affair]] of 1861 and the [[Fenian Raids]] in 1866–1871.<ref>H. C. Allen, ''Great Britain and the United States: A History of Anglo-American Relations, 1783–1952'' (1954)  [https://archive.org/details/greatbritainunit00alle online]</ref>

In the final days of the 1888 presidential campaign, a Republican operative claiming to be a British immigrant in America named Charles F. Murchison [[Murchison letter|tricked the British]] ambassador [[Lionel Sackville-West, 2nd Baron Sackville|Lord Sackville-West]] into indicating Britain's support for the Democratic candidate Grover Cleveland. The deliberatly fabricated act forced Sackville-west to return to Britain.<ref>Charles S.  Campbell, "The Dismissal of Lord Sackville." ''Mississippi Valley Historical Review'' 44.4 (1958): 635-648 [https://www.jstor.org/stable/1886600 online].</ref><ref>George Brooks,  "Anglophobia in the United States: Some Light on the Presidential Election." ''Westminster Review'' 130.1 (1888): 736-756 [https://www.proquest.com/openview/774ea185d68ff4a0/1?pq-origsite=gscholar&cbl=2287 online].</ref>

[[File:The Great Rapprochement.jpg|thumb|left|This 1898 depiction of the Great Rapprochement shows [[Uncle Sam]] embracing [[John Bull]], while [[Columbia (name)|Columbia]] and [[Britannia]] sit together and hold hands.]]
[[The Great Rapprochement]] was the convergence of social and political objectives between the United Kingdom and the United States from 1895 until World War I began in 1914. The most notable sign of improving relations during the Great Rapprochement was Britain's actions during the [[Spanish–American War]] (started 1898). Initially Britain supported the [[Spanish Empire]] and its [[Captaincy General of Cuba|colonial rule]] over [[Cuba]], since the perceived threat of American occupation and a territorial acquisition of Cuba by the United States might harm British trade and commercial interests within its own imperial possessions in the [[West Indies]]. However, after the United States made genuine assurances that it would grant Cuba's independence (which eventually occurred in 1902 under the terms dictated in the [[Platt Amendment]]), the British abandoned this policy and ultimately sided with the United States, unlike most other European powers who supported Spain. In return the US government supported Britain during the [[Second Boer War|Boer War]], although many Americans favoured the Boers.<ref>{{cite book|first=John|last=Dumbrell|title=America's Special Relationships: Allies and Clients|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2IYKEMB9eIUC&pg=PA31|year=2009|publisher=Taylor & Francis|page=31|isbn=9780415483766}}</ref>

In 2002, academic John Moser said that, although Anglophobia is now "almost completely absent" from American society, this was not always the case. He stated that "there were strains of Anglophobia present in virtually every [[populist movement]] of the late 19th and early 20th centuries," with the [[People's Party (United States)|Populist Party]], for example, "referring to England as a 'monster' that had 'seized upon the fresh energy of America and is steadily fixing its fangs into our social life.'"

Reasons suggested for the faltering of Anglophobia included the impact of the [[Second World War]], and reduced political support for Irish nationalist movements compared with that in earlier periods. Moser also said:<ref>{{cite web| first=John | last=Moser |url=http://personal.ashland.edu/~jmoser1/anglophobia.html |title=John Moser, The Decline of American Anglophobia |publisher=Personal.ashland.edu |access-date=21 May 2009|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130621032821/http://personal.ashland.edu/~jmoser1/anglophobia.html|archive-date=21 June 2013}}</ref>

{{quote|In an age when the wealthiest and most influential Americans tended to be associated with things British—the vast majority were of Anglo-Saxon descent, wore English-tailored suits, drove British-made automobiles, and even spoke with affected British accents—it was quite natural for Great Britain to fall within the sights of disaffected populists. In more recent years, however, this has changed. When one thinks of wealth and influence in contemporary America, particularly when one considers those who have made their fortunes in the past thirty years, English culture does not immediately spring to mind.}}

The [[Cinema of the United States|film industry]] is widely perceived to give a British nationality to a disproportionate number of villains.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/1346010/Brenglish-in-a-snit-over-Hollywoods-history-lessons.html |title='Brenglish' in a snit over Hollywood's history lessons |work=The Telegraph|date=19 June 2001 |access-date=21 May 2009 | location=London | first=Ben | last=Fenton|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140215131341/http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/1346010/Brenglish-in-a-snit-over-Hollywoods-history-lessons.html |archive-date=15 February 2014 }}</ref>

====Anglophobia in the Irish-American community====
The [[Irish-American]] community in the United States has historically shown antipathy towards Britain for its role in controlling Ireland. The large Irish Catholic element provided a major base for demands for Irish independence, and occasioned anti-British rhetoric, especially at election time.<ref>William C. Reuter, "The Anatomy of Political Anglophobia in the United States, 1865–1900," ''Mid America'' (1979) 61#2 pp. 117-132.</ref>  Anglophobia thus has been a defining feature of the Irish-American experience. Bolstered by their support of Irish nationalism, Irish-American communities have been staunchly anti-English since the 1850s, and this sentiment is fostered within the Irish-American identity.<ref name="SJP 2004 216">Simon James Potter, ''Newspapers and Empire in Ireland and Britain: Reporting the British Empire, c.1857-1921''. (Four Courts Press, 2004), p.216</ref><ref>Arthur Gribben, ''The Great Famine and the Irish Diaspora in America''. [[University of Massachusetts Press]] (1999), p.220</ref> Irish immigrants arrived poor and within a generation or two prospered. Many subscribed cash from their weekly wage to keep up the anti-English agitation.<ref>''The Century: Volume 26, 1883.'' https://books.google.com/books?id=x1aQWbz_eYAC&q=irish+anti+english</ref> Anglophobia was a common theme in Democratic Party politics.<ref>* Davies, Gareth, and Julian E. Zelizer, eds. ''America at the Ballot Box: Elections and Political History'' (2015) pp. 98-117.</ref> Irish-American newspapers, like the pro-Catholic ''Truth Teller'' which was founded in 1825 by an anti-English priest, were influential in the identity of the community.<ref>Ronald H. Bayor and Timothy J. Meagher, ''The New York Irish''. [[Johns Hopkins University Press]] (1997), p.74</ref>

Anti-English feelings among Irish-Americans spread to American culture through Irish-American performers in popular [[blackface]] [[minstrel show]]s. These imparted both elements of the Irish-American performers' own national bias, and the popular stereotypical image that the English people were bourgeois, aloof, or upper class.<ref>Robert Nowatzki, ''Representing African Americans in Transatlantic Abolitionism and Blackface Minstrelsy'', p.181. [[LSU Press]] (2010)</ref> Sentiments quickly turned into direct and violent action when in the 1860s the [[Fenian Brotherhood]] Society invaded [[Canada]] to provoke a United States-British war in hope it would lead to Irish independence.<ref name="PJB 2002 334">Patrick J. Buchanan, ''A Republic, Not an Empire: Reclaiming America's Destiny'', p.334. [[Regnery Publishing]] (2002)</ref> Violence is said to have included direct action by Fenian sympathisers, with the assassination of [[Thomas D'Arcy McGee]], himself an [[Irish Canadian]] and Irish nationalist who was against the invasion, although he was very critical of the [[Orange Order]], and it has long been suspected they were his true killers.<ref>Robert Nowatzki, LSU Press, 2010 - Social Science p.181</ref> [[Goldwin Smith]], professor at [[Cornell University]], wrote in the ''[[North American Review]]'' that "hatred of England" was used as a tool to win the Irish-American vote.<ref>Kim C. Sturgess, ''Shakespeare and the American Nation''. Cambridge University Press (2004), p.46</ref> A similar observation was made in 1900 by U.S. Secretary of State [[John Hay]], who criticised the [[People's Party (United States)|Prairie Populist]] and his own [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic party]]'s political pandering to attract the support of the Irish diaspora:

{{quote|State conventions put on an anti-English plank in their platforms to curry favor with the Irish (whom they want to keep) and the Germans whom they want to seduce. It is too disgusting to have to deal with such sordid lies.<ref name="PJB 2002 334"/>}}

Well into the early 20th century anti-English sentiment was increasing with famine memorials in the Irish-American communities, which "served as a wellspring for their obsessive and often corrosive antipathy," as noted in the British Parliament in 1915:

{{quote|There is no part of the world where anti-English influences worked so powerfully than in the United States. Almost every Irishman there is the son or grandson of an evicted tenant – evicted in all the horrors of the black 40s. And most of them have heard stories of them from their mother's knee.<ref>Arthur Gribben, ''The Great Famine and the Irish Diaspora in America''</ref>}}

Some newspapers, including the ''San Francisco Leader'' and the ''New York Irish World'', first published in 1823, were renowned for their anti-English articles.<ref>Clark, Dennis. ''The Irish in Philadelphia: Ten Generations of Urban experience''. [[Temple University Press]] (1982), p.110</ref> The ''Irish World'' blamed the mainland United Kingdom for the depopulation and desolate state of Ireland's industries.<ref name="AG 1999 228">Arthur Gribben, ''The Great Famine and the Irish Diaspora in America. [[University of Massachusetts Press]] (1999), p.228</ref> One newspaper, the ''[[Gaelic American]]'', called a student performance of the [[God Save the Queen|British national anthem]] by some girls of Irish heritage from a convent school an act of disloyalty, where they were taught to reverence the traditions of the hereditary enemy of their race and religion.<ref name="AG 1999 228"/>

A commemorative stamp by [[Philanthropy|philanthropist]] [[Andrew Carnegie]] on a century of peace between America and Great Britain was criticised by the Irish-American press.<ref name="AG 1999 228"/> In recent years American political commentators, such as [[Pat Buchanan]], have highlighted the anti-English stance of the [[Irish-American|Irish Diaspora]] in the United States of America.<ref name="PJB 2002 334"/>