Editing Cockney (section)

===Typical features===
[[File:Cockney short monophthong chart.svg|thumb|250px|Ranges of the short monophthongs of Cockney on a vowel chart, from {{Harvcoltxt|Beaken|1971|pp=189, 193}}. The schwa {{IPA|/ə/}} is the word-internal variety; the word-final variety often overlaps with {{IPA|/a/}} or even {{IPA|/æ/}}, which do not occur word-finally. {{IPA|/e/}} can overlap with {{IPA|/æ/}} in the {{IPAblink|ɛ}} region.]]
[[File:Cockney long monophthong chart.svg|thumb|250px|Long monophthongs of Cockney on a vowel chart, from {{Harvcoltxt|Beaken|1971|p=197}}. {{IPA|/ɪː, eː, ɔː, æː/}} can feature a centering glide: {{IPA|[ɪə, eə, ɔə, æə]}}. {{IPA|/æː/}} has an alternative pronunciation {{IPA|[æw]}}, shown on the chart. The {{sc2|CURE}} vowel {{IPA|/ʊː/}} is not shown.]]
[[File:Cockney diphthong chart.svg|thumb|250px|Diphthongs of Cockney on a vowel chart, from {{Harvcoltxt|Beaken|1971|pp=197, 200}}. {{IPA|/ɪj/}} and {{IPA|/ʉw/}} are shown on the chart with an unrounded mid central starting point: {{IPA|[əj, əw]}}. {{IPA|/əw/}} too begins more open: {{IPA|[ɐw]}}, in the {{sc2|STRUT}} area.]]
As with many accents of the United Kingdom, Cockney is [[non-rhotic]]. A final ''-er'' is pronounced {{IPAblink|ə}} or lowered {{IPAblink|ɐ}} in broad Cockney. As with all or nearly all non-rhotic accents, the paired lexical sets <small>COMM<u>A</u></small> and <small>LETT<u>ER</u></small>, <small>PALM/BATH</small> and <small>START</small>, <small>THOUGHT</small> and <small>NORTH/FORCE</small>, are merged. Thus, the last syllable of words such as ''cheetah'' can be pronounced {{IPAblink|ɐ}} as well in broad Cockney.{{Sfnp|Wright|1981|pp=133–135}}<ref name="ic.arizona.edu">{{Cite web |url=http://www.ic.arizona.edu/~lsp/CockneyEnglish.html |title=Cockney English |publisher=Ic.arizona.edu |access-date=1 October 2010 |archive-date=16 March 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130316103515/http://www.ic.arizona.edu/~lsp/CockneyEnglish.html |url-status=live }}</ref>{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|p=305}}

A broad {{IPA|/ɑː/}} [[Trap–bath split|is used in words such as ''bath'', ''grass'' and ''demand'']]. This originated in London in the 16th–17th centuries and is also part of [[Received Pronunciation]] (RP).{{Sfnp|Wright|1981|pp=136–137}}

The accent features [[T-glottalisation]], with use of the glottal stop as an [[allophone]] of {{IPA|/t/}} in various positions,{{Sfnp|Sivertsen|1960|p=111}}{{Sfnp|Hughes|Trudgill|1979|pp=34}} including after a stressed syllable. Glottal stops also occur, albeit less frequently, for {{IPA|/k/}} and {{IPA|/p/}}, and occasionally for mid-word consonants. For example, [[Richard Whiteing]] spelled "Hyde Park" as ''Hy' Par'''. ''Like'' and ''light'' can be homophones. "Clapham" can be said as ''Cla'am'' (i.e., {{IPA|[ˈkl̥æʔm̩]}}).{{Sfnp|Wright|1981|pp=136–137}} This feature results in Cockney being often mentioned in textbooks about [[Semitic language]]s while explaining how to pronounce the [[glottal stop]]. {{IPA|/t/}} may also be [[flapping|flapped]] intervocalically, e.g. ''utter'' {{IPA|[ˈaɾə]}}. London {{IPA|/p, t, k/}} are often aspirated in intervocalic and final environments, e.g., ''upper'' {{IPA|[ˈapʰə]}}, ''utter'' {{IPA|[ˈatʰə]}}, ''rocker'' {{IPA|[ˈɹɔkʰə]}}, ''up'' {{IPA|[ˈaʔpʰ]}}, ''out'' {{IPA|[ˈæːʔtʰ]}}, ''rock'' {{IPA|[ˈɹɔʔkʰ]}}, where [[Received Pronunciation|RP]] is traditionally described as having the unaspirated variants. Also, in broad Cockney at least, the degree of aspiration is typically greater than in RP, and may often also involve some degree of affrication {{IPA|[pᶲʰ, tˢʰ, kˣʰ]}}. Affricatives may be encountered in initial, intervocalic, and final position.{{Sfnp|Sivertsen|1960|p=109}}{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|p=323}}

Cockney also demonstrates:
* [[Th-fronting|''Th''-fronting]]:{{Sfnp|Sivertsen|1960|p=124}}
** {{IPA|/θ/}} can become {{IPAblink|f}} in any environment. {{IPA|[fɪn]}} "thin", {{IPA|[mæfs]}} "maths".
** {{IPA|/ð/}} can become {{IPAblink|v}} in any environment except word-initially when it can be {{IPA|[{{IPAplink|ð}}, {{IPAplink|ð̞}}, {{IPAplink|d}}, {{IPAplink|l}}, {{IPAplink|ʔ}}, ∅]}}. {{IPA|[dæj]}} "they", {{IPA|[ˈbɔvə]}} "bother".{{Sfnp|Wright|1981|p=137}}{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|p=329}}
*''Yod''-coalescence, in words such as ''tune'' {{IPA|[tʃʰʉwn]}} or ''reduce'' {{IPA|[ɹɪˈdʒʉws]}} (compare traditional RP {{IPA|[ˈtjuːn, ɹɪˈdjuːs]}}).<ref>{{Cite news|url=http://www.rogalinski.com.pl/jezyki-obce/english/what-is-standard-english-and-what-will-it-be-prognosis/
| title=Cockney accent – main features |date=31 July 2011 |publisher=rogalinski.com.pl – Journalist blog |access-date=21 September 2011
| url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120309091158/http://www.rogalinski.com.pl/jezyki-obce/english/what-is-standard-english-and-what-will-it-be-prognosis/ |archive-date=9 March 2012}}</ref>
*The [[alveolar stop]]s {{IPA|/t/}}, {{IPA|/d/}} are often omitted in informal Cockney, in non-prevocalic environments, including some that cannot be omitted in Received Pronunciation. Examples include {{IPA|[ˈdæzɡənə]}} ''Dad's gonna'' and {{IPA|[ˈtəːn ˈlef]}} ''turn left''.{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|p=327}}
*[[H-dropping|''H''-dropping]]. Sivertsen considers that {{IPAblink|h}} is to some extent a stylistic marker of emphasis in Cockney.<ref name="bucknell">{{Cite web|author=Robert Beard|url=http://www.departments.bucknell.edu/linguistics/lectures/10lect21.html|title=Linguistics 110 Linguistic Analysis: Sentences & Dialects, Lecture Number Twenty-One: Regional English Dialects of the World|publisher=Departments.bucknell.edu|access-date=1 October 2010|archive-date=14 June 2010|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100614111418/http://www.departments.bucknell.edu/linguistics/lectures/10lect21.html|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>
{{Harvcoltxt|Wells|1982|p=322}}</ref>

{| class="wikitable" style=text-align:center
|+ Vowels of Cockney{{sfnp|Beaken|1971|pp=189–190}}
! rowspan="2" |
! colspan="2" | [[Front vowel|Front]]
! colspan="2" | [[Central vowel|Central]]
! colspan="2" | [[Back vowel|Back]]
|- class="small"
! [[Short vowel|Short]]
! [[Long vowel|Long]]
! Short
! Long
! Short
! Long
|-
! [[Close vowel|Close]]
| {{IPA link|ɪ}}
| {{IPA link|ɪː}}
|
|
| {{IPA link|ʊ}}
| ({{IPA link|ʊː}})
|-
! [[Mid vowel|Mid]]
| {{IPA link|e̞|e}}
| {{IPA link|e̞|eː}}
| {{IPA link|ə}}
| {{IPA link|əː}}
| {{IPA link|ɔ}}
| ({{IPA link|ɔː}})
|-
! [[Near-open]]
| {{IPA link|æ}}
| {{IPA link|æː}}
|
|
|
|
|-
! [[Open vowel|Open]]
| {{IPA link|a}}
|
|
|
|
| {{IPA link|ɑː}}
|-
! [[Diphthong]]s
| colspan="6" | {{IPA|ɪj &nbsp; æj &nbsp; ɑj &nbsp; oj &nbsp; ʉw &nbsp; əw &nbsp; ɔw &nbsp; (ɒw)}}
|}

====Phonemic correspondence====
* {{IPA|/ɪ, ʊ, e, ə, əː, ɔː, æ, ɑː, əw/}} correspond to the RP sounds (though {{IPA|/əː/}} and {{IPA|/əw/}} are most commonly written with {{angbr IPA|ɜː}} and {{angbr IPA|əʊ}}, respectively). {{IPA|/ɔː/}} can be considered to be an allophone of {{IPA|/ɔw/}} (with both corresponding to RP {{IPA|/ɔː/}}). {{IPA|/ɒw/}} also can be considered to be an allophone, a positional variant of {{IPA|/əw/}} (with both corresponding to RP {{IPA|/əʊ/}})&nbsp;– see below.{{sfnp|Beaken|1971|pp=189–90}}{{sfnp|Wells|1982|p=304}}
* {{IPA|/ɔ/}} corresponds to RP {{IPA|/ɒ/}}.{{sfnp|Beaken|1971|p=189}}
* {{IPA|/a/}} corresponds to RP {{IPA|/ʌ/}}.{{sfnp|Beaken|1971|p=189}}
* {{IPA|/ɪː, ʊː, eː/}} correspond to the centering diphthongs {{IPA|/ɪə, ʊə, eə/}} in traditional RP. {{IPA|/ʊː/}} is often missing from Cockney, being replaced with {{IPA|/ɔː ~ ɔw/}} or a disyllabic {{IPA|/ʉwə/}}.{{sfnp|Wells|1982|p=304}}{{sfnp|Beaken|1971|pp=151, 190}}
* {{IPA|/æː/}} corresponds to RP {{IPA|/aʊ/}}.{{sfnp|Beaken|1971|pp=151–2, 190}}
* {{IPA|/ɪj/}} and {{IPA|/ʉw/}} correspond to relatively less diphthongal {{IPA|/iː/}} and {{IPA|/uː/}} in traditional RP.{{sfnp|Beaken|1971|pp=152, 190}}
* {{IPA|/æj, ɑj, oj/}} correspond to {{IPA|/eɪ, aɪ, ɔɪ/}} in RP.{{sfnp|Wells|1982|p=304}}{{sfnp|Beaken|1971|p=190}}

====Phonetic realisation====
The diphthong offsets are only fully close in {{IPA|/ɪj/}} and {{IPA|/ʉw/}}: {{IPA|[əi̯, əʉ̯]}}. In all other cases, they are more similar to {{IPA|[ɪ̯, ʊ̯]}} or {{IPA|[e̯, o̯]}}. According to Beaken, {{IPA|/æj/}} and {{IPA|/ɑj/}} typically glide towards {{IPAblink|e}}: {{IPA|[æe̯, ɑe̯]}}, {{IPA|/oj/}} towards {{IPAblink|ɪ}}: {{IPA|[oɪ̯]}}, {{IPA|/əw/}} and the wide allophone of {{IPA|/æː/}} towards {{IPAblink|ʊ}}: {{IPA|[ɐʊ̯, æʊ̯]}}, whereas {{IPA|/ɔw/}} and {{IPA|/ɒw/}} both towards {{IPAblink|o}}: {{IPA|[ɔo̯, ɒo̯]}}.{{sfnp|Beaken|1971|pp=197, 200}} According to Mott, {{IPA|[e̯, o̯]}} do not occur at all as glides: {{IPA|[æɪ̯, ɑɪ̯, oɪ̯, ɐʊ̯, æʊ̯, ɒʊ̯]}} (he does not show {{IPA|/ɪj, ʉw, ɔw/}} on his charts).{{sfnp|Mott|2012|p=77}} Furthermore, Wells remarks on the laxness of the unrounded offset of {{IPA|/əw/}}, which is a kind of a centralised {{IPAblink|ɤ}}: {{IPA|[ɐɤ̯]}}.{{sfnp|Wells|1982|p=308}}

In the rest of the article, this is treated as a simple allophonic rule and only {{angbr IPA|j}} and {{angbr IPA|w}} are used for the diphthong offsets. In narrow phonetic transcription, their rounded and unrounded counterparts are written with {{angbr IPA|ɥ}} and {{angbr IPA|ɰ}} (phonetically {{IPA|[ʏ̯ ~ ø̯]}} and {{IPA|[ɯ̜̽ ~ ɤ̯]}} in fully narrow transcription). Only the central offglides {{IPA|[ə̯]}} and {{IPA|[ʉ̯]}} are transcribed as non-syllabic vowels due to the lack of appropriate glide symbols.

Diphthong alterations in Cockney are:{{Sfnp|Hughes|Trudgill|1979|pp=39–41}}
* {{IPA|/ɪj/}} is realised as {{IPA|[əj~ɐj]}}:{{Sfnp|Matthews|1938|p=78}}{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|p=306}} {{IPA|[bəjʔ]}} "beet"
* {{IPA|/æj/}} is realised as {{IPA|[æj~aj]}}:{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|pp=307–308}} {{IPA|[bæjʔ]}} "bait"
* {{IPA|/ɑj/}} is realised as {{IPA|[ɑj]}} or even {{IPA|[ɒj]}} in "vigorous, dialectal" Cockney. The second element may be reduced or absent (with compensatory lengthening of the first element), so that there are variants such as {{IPA|[ɑ̟ə̯~{{IPAplink|ɑ|ɑ̟ː}}]}}. This means that pairs such as ''laugh''-''life'', ''Barton''-''biting'' may become homophones: {{IPA|[lɑːf]}}, {{IPA|[ˈbɑːʔn̩]}}. But this neutralisation is an optional, recoverable one:{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|pp=308, 310}} {{IPA|[bɑjʔ]}} "bite"
* {{IPA|/oj/}} is realised as {{IPA|[ɔ̝j~oj]}}:{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|pp=308, 310}} {{IPA|[ˈtʃʰojs]}} "choice"
* {{IPA|/ʉw/}} is realised as {{IPA|[əʉ̯]}} or a monophthongal {{IPA|[ʉː]}}, perhaps with little lip rounding, {{IPA|[ɨː]}} or {{IPA|[ʊː]}}:{{Sfnp|Matthews|1938|p=78}}{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|pp=306–307}} {{IPA|[bʉːʔ]}} "boot"
* {{IPA|/əw/}} typically starts in the area of {{IPA|/a/}}, {{IPA|[{{IPAplink|æ|æ̈}}~{{IPAplink|ɐ}}]}}. The endpoint glides towards {{IPAblink|w}}, but more commonly, it is completely unrounded, i.e. {{IPAblink|ɰ}}. Thus, the most common variants are {{IPA|[æ̈ɰ]}} and {{IPA|[ɐɰ]}}, with {{IPA|[æ̈w]}} and {{IPA|[ɐw]}} also being possible. The broadest Cockney variant approaches {{IPA|[aw]}}. There is also a variant that is used only by women, namely {{IPA|[ɐɥ ~ œ̈ɥ]}}. In addition, there are two monophthongal pronunciations, {{IPAblink|ʌ|ʌ̈ː}} as in 'no, nah' and {{IPAblink|œ|œ̈}}, which is used in non-prominent variants.{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|pp=308–310}} {{IPA|[kʰɐɰʔ]}} "coat"
* {{IPA|/ɪː, ʊː, eː, ɔː, æː/}} may all feature centering glides {{IPA|[ɪə̯, ʊə̯, eə̯, ɔə̯, æə̯]}}. Alternatively, {{IPA|/æː/}} may be realised as a closing diphthong {{IPA|[æw]}}. Wells states that "no rigid rules can be given for the distribution of monophthongal and diphthongal variants, though the tendency seems to be for the monophthongal variants to be commonest within the utterance, but the diphthongal realisations in utterance-final position, or where the syllable in question is otherwise prominent."{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|pp=305–306}} Furthermore, the main difference between {{IPA|/ɪː, eː, ɔː, æː/}} and {{IPA|/ɪ, e, ɔ, æ/}} is length, with the quality being secondary. The contrast appears only in the word-internal position, exactly where the monophthongal variants of {{IPA|/ɪː, eː, ɔː, æː/}} are the most common. Thus, word pairs such as ''his'' {{IPA|/ɪz/}} – ''here's'' {{IPA|/ɪːz/}}, ''merry'' {{IPA|/ˈmerɪj/}} – ''Mary'' {{IPA|/ˈmeːrɪj/}}, ''at'' {{IPA|/æt/}} – ''out'' {{IPA|/æːt/}} and ''Polly'' {{IPA|/ˈpɔlɪj/}} – ''poorly'' {{IPA|/ˈpɔːlɪj/}} contrast mainly by length, though {{IPA|/ɔː/}} may be slightly higher than {{IPA|/ɔ/}}.{{sfnp|Beaken|1971|pp=194–5}}
* Disyllabic {{IPA|[ɪjə, ɛjə, ɔwə, æjə]}} realisations of {{IPA|/ɪː, eː, ɔː, æː/}} are also possible, and at least {{IPA|[ɛjə, ɔwə, æjə]}} are regarded as very strongly Cockney.{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|pp=306, 310}} Among these, the triphthongal realisation of {{IPA|/ɔː/}} occurs most commonly.{{Sfnp|Mott|2012|p=78}} There is not a complete agreement about the distribution of these; according to {{Harvcoltxt|Wells|1982}}, they "occur in sentence-final position",{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|p=306}} whereas according to {{Harvcoltxt|Mott|2012}}, these are "most common in final position".{{Sfnp|Mott|2012|p=78}}
* When diphthongal, {{IPA|/ɪː/}} and {{IPA|/eː/}} have higher starting points than in RP: {{IPA|[iə̯, e̞ə̯]}}.{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|p=305}}{{Sfnp|Mott|2012|p=77}} However, Beaken considers the former to be unshifted in comparison with traditional RP: {{IPA|[ɪə̯]}}.{{sfnp|Beaken|1971|p=190}}

Other vowel differences include
* {{IPA|/æ/}} may be {{IPAblink|ɛ}} or {{IPA|[ɛj]}}, with the latter occurring before voiced consonants, particularly before {{IPA|/d/}}:{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|p=305}}{{Sfnp|Hughes|Trudgill|1979|p=35}} {{IPA|[bɛk]}} "back", {{IPA|[bɛːjd]}} "bad"
* {{IPA|/e/}} may be {{IPA|[eə̯]}}, {{IPA|[ej]}}, or {{IPA|[ɛj]}} before certain voiced consonants, particularly before {{IPA|/d/}}:{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|p=305}}{{Sfnp|Sivertsen|1960|p=54}}{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|p=129}}{{Sfnp|Cruttenden|2001|p=110}} {{IPA|[bejd]}} "bed"
* According to Wells, {{IPA|/ɔ/}} may be somewhat less open than RP {{IPA|/ɒ/}}, that is {{IPAblink|ɔ}}.{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|p=305}} Beaken, on the other hand, considers variants no more open than {{IPAblink|ɔ}} to be the norm:{{sfnp|Beaken|1971|pp=189, 253}} {{IPA|[kʰɔʔ]}} "cot"
* {{IPA|/ɑː/}} has a fully back variant, qualitatively equivalent to [[Cardinal vowel#Table of cardinal vowels|cardinal 5]], which Beaken (1971) claims characterizes "vigorous, informal" Cockney.{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|p=305}}
* {{IPA|/əː/}} is on occasion somewhat fronted and lightly rounded, giving Cockney variants such as {{IPAblink|ə|ə̟ː}}, {{IPAblink|œ̝|œ̝̈ː}}.{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|p=305}}
* {{IPA|/a/}} is realised as {{IPAblink|ɐ|ɐ̟}} or a quality like that of cardinal 4, {{IPAblink|a}}:{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|p=305}}{{Sfnp|Hughes|Trudgill|1979|p=35}} {{IPA|[dʒamʔˈtˢapʰ]}} "jumped up"
* {{IPA|/ɔw/}} is realised as {{IPAblink|oː}} or a closing diphthong of the type {{IPA|[ɔw~ow]}} when in non-final position, with the latter variants being more common in broad Cockney:{{Sfnp|Matthews|1938|p=35}}{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|pp=310–311}} {{IPA|[sɔws]}} "sauce"-"source", {{IPA|[lɔwd]}} "laud"-"lord", {{IPA|[ˈwɔwʔə]}} "water."
* {{IPA|/ɔː/}} is realised as {{IPAblink|ɔː}} or a centering diphthong/triphthong of the type {{IPA|[ɔə~ɔwə]}} when in final position, with the latter variants being more common in broad Cockney; thus {{IPA|[sɔə]}} "saw"-"sore"-"soar", {{IPA|[lɔə]}} "law"-"lore", {{IPA|[wɔə]}} "war"-"wore". The diphthong is retained before inflectional endings, so that ''board'' {{IPA|/bɔwd/}} and ''pause'' {{IPA|/pɔwz/}} contrast with ''bored'' {{IPA|/bɔːd/}} and ''paws'' {{IPA|/pɔːz/}}.{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|pp=310–311}} {{IPA|[ɔə]}} has a somewhat tenser onset than the cardinal {{IPAblink|ɔ}}, that is {{IPA|[ɔ̝ə]}}.{{Sfnp|Mott|2012|p=77}}
* {{IPA|/əw/}} becomes something around {{IPA|[ɒw~ɔw]}} or even {{IPA|[aɰ]}} in broad Cockney before [[dark l]]. These variants are retained when the addition of a suffix turns the dark l [[Alveolar lateral approximant|clear]]. Thus a phonemic split has occurred in London English, exemplified by the minimal pair ''wholly'' {{IPA|/ˈɒwlɪj/}} vs. ''holy'' {{IPA|/ˈəwlɪj/}}. The development of ''L''-vocalisation (see next section) leads to further pairs such as ''sole''-''soul'' {{IPA|[sɒw]}} vs. ''so''-''sew'' {{IPA|[sɐɰ]}}, ''bowl'' {{IPA|[bɒw]}} vs. ''Bow'' {{IPA|[bɐɰ]}}, ''shoulder'' {{IPA|[ˈʃɒwdə]}} vs. ''odour'' {{IPA|[ˈɐɰdə]}}, while associated vowel neutralisations may make ''doll'' a homophone of ''dole'', compare ''dough'' {{IPA|[dɐɰ]}}. All this reinforces the phonemic nature of the opposition and increases its functional load. It is now well-established in all kinds of London-flavoured accents, from broad Cockney to near-RP.{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|pp=312–313}}
* {{IPA|/ʊ/}} in some words (particularly ''good''){{Sfnp|Mott|2012|p=75}} is central {{IPAblink|ʊ̈}}.{{Sfnp|Mott|2012|p=75}} In other cases, it is near-close near-back {{IPAblink|ʊ}}, as in traditional RP.{{Sfnp|Mott|2012|p=75}}

The dialect uses the [[L-vocalisation|vocalisation of dark L]], hence {{IPA|[ˈmɪwwɔw]}} for [[Millwall]]. The actual realisation of a vocalised {{IPA|/l/}} is influenced by surrounding vowels, and it may be realised as {{IPA|[u]}}, {{IPA|[ʊ]}}, {{IPA|[o]}} or {{IPA|[ɤ]}}. It is also transcribed as a [[semivowel]] {{IPA|[w]}} by some linguists, e.g., Coggle and Rosewarne.{{Sfnp|Sivertsen|1960|p=132}} However, according to {{Harvcoltxt|Ladefoged|Maddieson|1996}}, the vocalised dark l is sometimes an unoccluded lateral approximant, which differs from the RP {{IPA|[ɫ]}} only by the lack of the alveolar contact.{{Sfnp|Ladefoged|Maddieson|1996|p=193}} Relatedly, there are many possible vowel neutralisations and absorptions in the context of a following dark L ({{IPA|[ɫ]}}) or its vocalised version; these include:{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|pp=313–317}}
*In broad Cockney, and to some extent in general popular London speech, a vocalised {{IPA|/l/}} is entirely absorbed by a preceding {{IPA|/ɔw/}}: e.g., ''salt'' and ''sort'' become homophones (although the contemporary pronunciation of ''salt'' {{IPA|/sɔlt/}}<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.bl.uk/learning/langlit/sounds/activities/phonological-change/ |title=Phonological change in spoken English |publisher=Bl.uk |date=12 March 2007 |access-date=1 October 2010 |archive-date=28 October 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20101028031651/http://www.bl.uk/learning/langlit/sounds/activities/phonological-change/ |url-status=live }}</ref> would prevent this from happening), and likewise ''fault''-''fought''-''fort'', ''pause''-''Paul's'', ''Morden''-''Malden'', ''water''-''Walter''. Sometimes such pairs are kept apart, in a more deliberate speech at least, by a kind of length difference: {{IPA|[ˈmɔwdn̩]}} ''Morden'' vs. {{IPA|[ˈmɔwːdn̩]}} ''Malden''.
*A preceding {{IPA|/ə/}} is also fully absorbed into vocalised {{IPA|/l/}}. The reflexes of earlier {{IPA|/əl/}} and earlier {{IPA|/ɔw(l)/}} are thus phonetically similar or identical; speakers are usually ready to treat them as the same phoneme. Thus ''awful'' can best be regarded as containing two occurrences of the same vowel, {{IPA|/ˈɔwfɔw/}}. The difference between ''musical'' and ''music-hall'', in an ''H''-dropping broad Cockney, is thus nothing more than a matter of stress and perhaps syllable boundaries.
*With the remaining vowels, a vocalised {{IPA|/l/}} is not absorbed but remains phonetically present as a back vocoid in such a way that {{IPA|/Vl/}} and {{IPA|/V/}} are kept distinct.
*The clearest and best-established neutralisations are those of {{IPA|/ɪ~ɪj~ɪː/}} and {{IPA|/ʊ~ʉw/}}. Thus ''rill'', ''reel'' and ''real'' fall together in Cockney as {{IPA|[ɹɪɰ]}}; while ''full'' and ''fool'' are {{IPA|[fow~fʊw]}} and may rhyme with ''cruel'' {{IPA|[ˈkʰɹʊw]}}. Before clear (i.e., prevocalic) {{IPA|/l/}} the neutralisations do not usually apply, thus {{IPA|[ˈsɪlɪj]}} ''silly'' but {{IPA|[ˈsɪjlɪn]}} ''ceiling''-''sealing'', {{IPA|[ˈfʊlɪj]}} ''fully'' but {{IPA|[ˈfʉwlɪn]}} ''fooling''.
*In some broader types of Cockney, the neutralisation of {{IPA|/ʊ~ʉw/}} before non-prevocalic {{IPA|/l/}} may also involve {{IPA|/ɔw/}}, so that ''fall'' becomes homophonous with ''full'' and ''fool'' {{IPA|[fɔw]}}.
*The other pre-{{IPA|/l/}} neutralisation which all investigators agree on is that of {{IPA|/æ~æj~æː/}}. Thus, ''Sal'' and ''sale'' can be merged as {{IPA|[sæɰ]}}, ''fail'' and ''fowl'' as {{IPA|[fæɰ]}}, and ''Val'', ''vale''-''veil'' and ''vowel'' as {{IPA|[væɰ]}}. The typical pronunciation of ''railway'' is {{IPA|[ˈɹæwwæj]}}.
*According to Siversten, {{IPA|/ɑː/}} and {{IPA|/ɑj/}} can also join in this neutralisation. They may, on the one hand, neutralize concerning one another so that ''snarl'' and ''smile'' rhyme, both ending {{IPA|[-ɑɰ]}}, and ''Child's Hill'' is in danger of being mistaken for ''Charles Hill''; or they may go further into a fivefold neutralisation with the one just mentioned, so that ''pal'', ''pale'', ''foul'', ''snarl'' and ''pile'' all end in {{IPA|[-æɰ]}}. But these developments are restricted to broad Cockney, not being found in London speech in general.
*A neutralisation discussed by Beaken (1971) and Bowyer (1973), but ignored by Siversten (1960), is that of {{IPA|/ɔ~ɔw~a/}}. It leads to the possibility of ''doll'', ''dole'' and ''dull'' becoming homophonous as {{IPA|[dɒw]}} or {{IPA|[da̠ɰ]}}. Wells' impression is that the ''doll''-''dole'' neutralisation is rather widespread in London, but that involving ''dull'' less so.
*One further possible neutralisation in the environment of a following non-prevocalic {{IPA|/l/}} is that of {{IPA|/e/}} and {{IPA|/əː/}}, so that ''well'' and ''whirl'' become homophonous as {{IPA|[wɛw]}}.

Cockney has been occasionally described as replacing {{IPA|/ɹ/}} with {{IPA|/w/}}, for example, ''{{not a typo|thwee}}'' (or ''fwee'') instead of ''three'', ''{{not a typo|fwasty}}'' instead of ''frosty''. Peter Wright, a [[Survey of English Dialects]] fieldworker, concluded that this was not a universal feature of Cockneys but that it was more common to hear this in the London area than elsewhere in Britain.{{Sfnp|Wright|1981|p=135}} This description may also be a result of mishearing the [[R-labialisation|labiodental R]] as {{IPA|/w/}}, when it is still a distinct phoneme in Cockney.

An unstressed final ''-ow'' may be pronounced {{IPAblink|ə}}. In broad Cockney, this can be lowered to {{IPAblink|ɐ}}.<ref name="ic.arizona.edu" />{{Sfnp|Wells|1982|p=305}} This is common to most traditional, Southern English dialects except for those in the [[West Country]].{{Sfnp|Wright|1981|p=134}}

Regarding grammar, Cockney uses ''me'' instead of ''my'', for example, {{" '}}At's me book you got 'ere" {{IPA|[ˈæʔs mɪ ˈbʊk jə ˈɡɔʔ eː]}}. (where {{' '}}ere' means 'there'). It cannot be used when "my" is emphasised; e.g., {{" '}}At's <u>''my''</u> book you got 'ere" {{IPA|[æʔs ˈmɑj ˈbʊk jə ˈɡɔʔ eː]}}. It also uses the term ''[[ain't]]'', as well as [[double negatives]], for example, "I didn't see nuffink".{{Sfnp|Wright|1981|p=122}}

By the 1980s and 1990s, most of the features mentioned above had partly spread into more general south-eastern speech, giving the accent called [[Estuary English]]; an Estuary speaker will use some but not all of the Cockney sounds.<ref name="D Rosewarne">{{Cite web |url=http://www.phon.ucl.ac.uk/home/estuary/rosew.htm |title=Rosewarne, David (1984). "Estuary English". Times Educational Supplement, 19 (October 1984) |publisher=Phon.ucl.ac.uk |date=21 May 1999 |access-date=1 October 2010 |archive-date=7 March 2005 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20050307214016/http://www.phon.ucl.ac.uk/home/estuary/rosew.htm |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.phon.ucl.ac.uk/home/estuary/transcree.htm |title=Wells, John (1994). "Transcribing Estuary English – a discussion document". Speech Hearing and Language: UCL Work in Progress, volume 8, 1994, pp. 259–67 |publisher=Phon.ucl.ac.uk |access-date=1 October 2010 |archive-date=18 April 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210418055930/https://www.phon.ucl.ac.uk/home/estuary/transcree.htm |url-status=live }}</ref><ref name=alt>{{Cite web |url=http://www.phon.ucl.ac.uk/home/estuary/altendf.pdf |title=Altendorf, Ulrike (1999). "Estuary English: is English going Cockney?" In: Moderna Språk, XCIII, 1, 1–11 |access-date=1 October 2010 |archive-date=21 November 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211121190822/https://www.phon.ucl.ac.uk/home/estuary/altendf.pdf |url-status=live }}</ref>