Editing Observational learning (section)

==Cultural variation==
[[Cultural diversity|Cultural variation]] can be seen by the extent of information learned or absorbed by children in non-Western cultures through learning by observation. Cultural variation is not restricted only to ethnicity and nationality, but rather, extends to the specific practices within communities. In learning by observation, children use observation to learn without verbal requests for further information, or without direct instruction. For example, children from Mexican heritage families tend to learn and make better use of information observed during classroom demonstration than children of European heritage.<ref name="Cole">{{cite web|last=Cole|first=M.|title=Culture and early childhood learning|url=http://www.child-encyclopedia.com/pages/pdf/cole-hakkarainen-bredikyteangxp.pdf|access-date=15 November 2012}}</ref><ref name="Mejia-Arauz 2005 282–291">{{cite journal|last=Mejia-Arauz|first=R.|author2=Rogoff, B. |author3=Paradise, R. |s2cid=14778403|title=Cultural variation in children's observation during a demonstration|journal=International Journal of Behavioral Development|year=2005|volume=29|issue=4|pages=282–291|doi=10.1177/01650250544000062}}</ref> Children of European heritage experience the type of learning that separates them from their family and community activities. They instead participate in lessons and other exercises in special settings such as school.<ref>Rogoff, Barbara. "Cultural Variation in Children's Attention and Learning." N.p.: n.p., n.d. N. pag. PsycINFO. Web.
</ref> Cultural backgrounds differ from each other in which children display certain characteristics in regards to learning an activity. Another example is seen in the immersion of children in some [[indigenous peoples of the Americas|Indigenous communities of the Americas]] into the adult world and the effects it has on observational learning and the ability to complete multiple tasks simultaneously.<ref name="Fleer 2003 64–79"/> This might be due to children in these communities having the opportunity to see a task being completed by their elders or peers and then trying to emulate the task. In doing so they learn to value observation and the skill-building it affords them because of the value it holds within their community.<ref name="Hughes 2011"/> This type of observation is not passive, but reflects the child's intent to participate or learn within a community.<ref name="Garton 2007 195–216"/>

Observational learning can be seen taking place in many domains of Indigenous communities. The classroom setting is one significant example, and it functions differently for Indigenous communities compared to what is commonly present in Western schooling. The emphasis of keen observation in favor of supporting participation in ongoing activities strives to aid children to learn the important tools and ways of their community.<ref name="Cole"/> Engaging in shared endeavors – with both the experienced and inexperienced – allows for the experienced to understand what the inexperienced need in order to grow in regards to the assessment of observational learning.<ref name="Cole"/> The involvement of the inexperienced, or the children in this matter, can either be furthered by the children's learning or advancing into the activity performed by the assessment of observational learning.<ref name="Mejia-Arauz 2005 282–291"/> Indigenous communities rely on observational learning as a way for their children to be a part of ongoing activities in the community (Tharp, 2006).

Although learning in the Indigenous American communities is not always the central focus when participating in an activity,<ref name="Mejia-Arauz 2005 282–291"/> studies have shown that attention in intentional observation differs from accidental observation. Intentional participation is "keen observation and listening in anticipation of, or in the process of engaging in endeavors". This means that when they have the intention of participating in an event, their attention is more focused on the details, compared to when they are accidentally observing.

Observational learning can be an active process in many Indigenous American communities. The learner must take initiative to attend to activities going on around them. Children in these communities also take initiative to contribute their knowledge in ways that will benefit their community. For example, in many Indigenous American cultures, children perform household chores without being instructed to do so by adults. Instead, they observe a need for their contributions, understand their role in their community, and take initiative to accomplish the tasks they have observed others doing.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Coppens|first1=Andrew D.|last2=Alcalá|first2=Lucia|last3=Mejía-Arauz|first3=Rebeca|last4=Rogoff|first4=Barbara|s2cid=144758889|date=2014|title=Children's Initiative in Family Household Work in Mexico|journal=Human Development|language=en|volume=57|issue=2–3|pages=116–130|doi=10.1159/000356768|issn=0018-716X}}</ref> The learner's intrinsic motivations play an important role in the child's understanding and construction of meaning in these educational experiences. The independence and responsibility associated with observational learning in many Indigenous American communities are significant reasons why this method of learning involves more than just watching and imitating. A learner must be actively engaged with their demonstrations and experiences in order to fully comprehend and apply the knowledge they obtain.<ref>{{cite web|last=Gaskins|first=Suzanne|title=Open attention as a cultural tool for observational learning|url=http://kellogg.nd.edu/learning/Gaskins.pdf|publisher=Kellogg Institute for International Studies University of Notre Dame|access-date=7 May 2014|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160106054633/http://kellogg.nd.edu/learning/Gaskins.pdf|archive-date=6 January 2016|url-status=dead}}</ref>

===Indigenous communities of the Americas===

[[File:Poblado-maya-1.jpg|thumb|Mayan villagers]]
Children from [[indigenous peoples of the Americas|indigenous heritage communities]] of the Americas often [[Learning by Observing and Pitching In|learn through observation]], a strategy that can carry over into adulthood. The heightened value towards observation allows children to [[Attention#Cultural variation|multi-task and actively engage in simultaneous activities]]. The exposure to an uncensored adult lifestyle allows children to [[Informal learning#American indigenous perspective|observe and learn]] the skills and practices that are valued in their communities.<ref name="Hughes 2011"/> Children observe elders, parents, and siblings complete tasks and learn to participate in them. They are seen as contributors and learn to observe multiple tasks being completed at once and can learn to complete a task while still engaging with other community members without being distracted.

Indigenous communities provide more [[Learning by Observing and Pitching In|opportunities]] to incorporate [[Child Integration|children]] in everyday life.<ref name="Barbara Rogoff">{{cite journal|last=Rogoff|first=Barbara|author2=Paradise, R. |author3=Arauz, R. |author4=Correa-Chavez, M. |title=Firsthand learning through intent participation|journal=[[Annual Review of Psychology]]|year=2003|volume=54|pages=175–203|doi=10.1146/annurev.psych.54.101601.145118 |pmid=12499516|hdl=10400.12/5953|url=http://www.scielo.mec.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0870-82312004000100003|hdl-access=free}}</ref> This can be seen in some [[Maya peoples|Mayan]] communities where children are given full access to community events, which allows observational learning to occur more often.<ref name="Barbara Rogoff"/> Other children in [[Mazahua people|Mazahua, Mexico]] are known to observe ongoing activities intensely .<ref name="Barbara Rogoff"/> In native northern Canadian and indigenous Mayan communities, children often learn as third-party observers from [[Storytelling|stories]] and conversations by others.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Rogoff|first1=Barbara|last2=Paradise|first2=Ruth|last3=Correa-Chavez|first3=M|last4=Arauz|first4=R|title=Firsthand Learning through Intent Participation|journal=[[Annual Review of Psychology]]|date=2003|volume=54|pages=175–203|doi=10.1146/annurev.psych.54.101601.145118|pmid=12499516|hdl=10400.12/5953|url=http://www.scielo.mec.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0870-82312004000100003|hdl-access=free}}</ref> Most young Mayan children are carried on their mother's back, allowing them to observe their mother's work and see the world as their mother sees it.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Modiano|first1=Nancy|title=Indian education in the Chiapas Highlands|date=1973|publisher=Holt, Rinehart and Winston|location=New York|isbn=978-0030842375|pages=33–40}}</ref> Often, children in Indigenous American communities assume the majority of the responsibility for their learning. Additionally, children find their own approaches to learning.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Paradise|first1=Ruth|last2=Rogoff|first2=Rogoff|date=2009|title=Side By Side: Learning By Observing and Pitching In|url=https://people.ucsc.edu/~brogoff/Scanned-articles/scanned%2012-2008/Side%20by%20Side.pdf|journal=Ethos|volume=37|issue=1|pages=102–138|doi=10.1111/j.1548-1352.2009.01033.x}}</ref> Children are often allowed to learn without restrictions and with minimal guidance. They are encouraged to participate in the community even if they do not know how to do the work. They are self-motivated to learn and finish their chores.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Gaskins|first1=Suzanne|s2cid=144751184|title=Children's Daily Activities in a Mayan Village: A Culturally Grounded Description|journal=Cross-Cultural Research|date=Nov 1, 2000|volume=34|issue=4|pages=375–389|doi=10.1177/106939710003400405}}</ref> These children act as a second set of eyes and ears for their parents, updating them about the community.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Rogoff|first1=Barbara|last2=Mosier|first2=Christine|last3=Misty|first3=Jayanthi|last4=Göncü|first4=Artin|title=Toddlers' Guided Participation in Cultural Activity|journal=Cultural Dynamics|date=Jan 1, 1989|volume=2|issue=2 |pages=209–237|doi=10.1177/092137408900200205|s2cid=143971081 }}</ref>

Children aged 6 to 8 in an indigenous heritage community in [[Guadalajara|Guadalajara, Mexico]] participated in hard work, such as cooking or running errands, thus benefiting the whole family, while those in the city of Guadalajara rarely did so. These children participated more in adult regulated activities and had little time to play, while those from the indigenous-heritage community had more time to play and initiate in their after-school activities and had a higher sense of belonging to their community.<ref>Children's Initiative in Contributions to Family Work in Indigenous-Heritage and Cosmopolitan Communities in Mexico. (2014). 57(2-3).</ref> Children from formerly indigenous communities are more likely to show these aspects than children from cosmopolitan communities are, even after leaving their childhood community<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Rogoff|first1=Barbara|last2=Najafi|first2=Behnosh|last3=Mejía-Arauz|first3=Rebeca|s2cid=144340470|date=2014|title=Constellations of Cultural Practices across Generations: Indigenous American Heritage and Learning by Observing and Pitching In|url=https://www.karger.com/Article/FullText/356761|journal=Human Development|language=en|volume=57|issue=2–3|pages=82–95|doi=10.1159/000356761|issn=0018-716X}}</ref>

Within certain indigenous communities, people do not typically seek out explanations beyond basic observation. This is because they are competent in learning through astute observation and often nonverbally encourage to do so.  In a Guatemalan footloom factory, amateur adult weavers observed skilled weavers over the course of weeks without questioning or being given explanations; the amateur weaver moved at their own pace and began when they felt confident.<ref name="Barbara Rogoff"/> The framework of learning how to weave through observation can serve as a model that groups within a society use as a reference to guide their actions in particular domains of life.<ref name="J. Gee">{{cite journal|last=Gee|first=J.|author2=Green, J|title=Discourse analysis, learning and social practice: A methodological study|journal=Review of Research in Education|year=1998}}</ref> Communities that participate in observational learning promote tolerance and mutual understand of those coming from different cultural backgrounds.<ref>Often, children in Indigenous American communities find their own approach to learning and assume most of the responsibility for their learning.</ref>