Editing Croatian Spring (section)

===Outside Croatia===
[[File:Ban Jelačić statue which used to be on the north facing the south and was changed with the breakup of Yugoslavia (13023759645).jpg|thumb|An unsuccessful attempt was made during the Croatian Spring to restore the monument to [[Josip Jelačić]] to [[Ban Jelačić Square|Zagreb's central square]].|alt=Photograph of an equestrian monument to Josip Jelačić]]
In February 1971, the Croatian nationalist émigré magazine {{lang|hr|Hrvatska država}}, printed by [[Branimir Jelić]] in [[West Berlin]], published a story attributed to its [[Moscow]] correspondent claiming that the [[Warsaw Pact]] would help Croatia achieve its independence, granting it a status comparable to that [[Finlandization|enjoyed by Finland at the time]]. The article also stated that the SKH was collaborating with Ustaše émigrés. The Yugoslav Military Mission in Berlin reported the story to the [[KOS (Yugoslavia)|military intelligence service]] along with the names of alleged Ustaše émigré operatives in Croatia. The report was initially believed,{{sfn|Swain|2011|pp=169–170}} leading the Yugoslav authorities to become concerned that the Soviet Union might be instigating and aiding the SKH and the Ustaše émigrés.{{sfn|Kullaa|2012|p=105}} A federal investigation concluded on 7 April that the story was false, and the authorities decided to bury the affair. Immediately, the SKH announced that foreign and domestic enemies of the SKH stood behind the allegations. The same day, [[Vladimir Rolović]], the Yugoslav ambassador to [[Sweden]], was mortally wounded in [[1971 Yugoslav Embassy shooting|an unrelated attack by Ustaše émigrés]], further escalating tensions.{{sfn|Swain|2011|pp=169–170}} According to Dabčević-Kučar, the SKH leadership treated the enthusiasm of the émigrés with suspicion, believing it to be linked with the Yugoslav State Security Administration, and also because their activity weakened the SKH's position.{{sfn|Bing|2012|p=369}}

Even though the leadership of Bosnia and Herzegovina was cautious in its response to the SKH's January 1970 shift towards {{lang|hr|Matica hrvatska}}'s positions,{{sfn|Kamberović|2012|p=141}} relations became much tenser, primarily reflected through texts published by {{lang|hr|Matica hrvatska}} journals and {{lang|bs|[[Oslobođenje]]}}, the newspaper of record in Bosnia and Herzegovina.{{sfn|Kamberović|2012|p=143}} The leadership of Bosnia and Herzegovina initially distinguished between the positions of the SKH and those held by {{lang|hr|Matica hrvatska}}, but this distinction eroded over time.{{sfn|Kamberović|2012|pp=144–145}} In September, {{lang|hr|Matica hrvatska}} expanded its work to Bosnia and Herzegovina and the [[Socialist Autonomous Province of Vojvodina|Serbian autonomous province of Vojvodina]], claiming Croats were underrepresented in government institutions there due to policies implemented during Ranković's tenure. By November 1971, Croatian nationalists advocated annexing a part of Bosnia and Herzegovina to Croatia to rectify the situation. In response, Serbian nationalists claimed other parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina for Serbia.{{sfn|Ramet|2006|pp=251–253}} Officials from Bosnia and Herzegovina responded by prohibiting the establishment of {{lang|hr|Matica hrvatska}} branches within the republic.{{sfn|Kamberović|2012|p=143}}