Editing Croatian Spring (section)

==Suppression and purges==
===November plenum and student protest===
[[File:Vladimir Bakarić (1).jpg|thumb|upright|[[Vladimir Bakarić]] helped replace the reformist leaders of Croatia.|alt=Photograph of Vladimir Bakarić facing the camera]]
At the 5 November plenary session of the SKH, Dabčević-Kučar said that the national movement was evidence of the unity of the nation and the SKH, which she said should not be sacrificed to achieve revolutionary purity. After she rejected several of Bakarić's proposals to modify the SKH's policies, the conservative faction—most vocally Bilić and Dragosavac—demanded the enforcement of the August Action Programme. The issue was not resolved by the plenum but, in the aftermath of the session, Bakarić decided to support Bilić and Dragosavac and to ask Tito to intervene.{{sfn|Swain|2011|p=174}} On 12–15 November, Tito visited [[Bugojno]] in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where he was hosted by the republic's leadership ([[Branko Mikulić]], [[Hamdija Pozderac]], and [[Dragutin Kosovac]]). On 13 November, they were joined by the Yugoslav prime minister, [[Džemal Bijedić]], who criticised the SKH's demands for changing the distribution of foreign currency earnings. Dragosavac met with Tito on 14 and 15 November to discuss the Croatian Spring.{{sfn|Kamberović|2012|p=146}} On 15 November, Tito was joined by the heads of the JNA to view recordings of political rallies in Croatia where nationalists and SKH members spoke and where anti-Tito shouts could be heard.{{sfn|Swain|2011|p=174}}

The extended SKH Central Committee secretly met from 17 to 23 November, but the two opposing factions could not agree.{{sfn|Swain|2011|p=174}} On 22 November, about 3,000 Zagreb University students voted to begin a strike the next morning. Initially, they protested federal regulations on [[hard currency]], banking and commerce. At Paradžik's urging,{{sfn|Ramet|2006|p=256}} a series of proposed constitutional amendments was added to the demands: defining Croatia as a sovereign and national state of Croats, making Croatian the official language, guaranteeing that residents of Croatia would complete their compulsory [[military service]] in Croatia, and formally establishing Zagreb as Croatia's capital and {{lang|hr|Lijepa naša domovino}} as the anthem of Croatia.{{sfn|Knezović|1995|pp=231–232}} The protesters singled out Bakarić for sabotaging Tripalo's currency reform.{{sfn|Swain|2011|p=175}} The Croatian Student Federation expanded the strike over Croatia. Within days, 30,000 students were on strike demanding the expulsion of Bilić, Dragosavac, Baltić, [[Ema Derossi-Bjelajac]] and [[Čedo Grbić]] from the SKH as unitarists.{{sfn|Ramet|2006|pp=256–257}} On 25 November, Tripalo met with the students, urging them to stop the strike, and Dabčević-Kučar made the same request four days later.{{sfn|Swain|2011|p=175}}

===Karađorđevo meeting and the purges===
{{see also|List of Croatian Spring participants convicted of political crimes}}
[[File:Nixontito19712.jpg|thumb|[[Josip Broz Tito]] (shown meeting [[Richard Nixon]] in 1971) convened the meeting of the [[League of Communists of Yugoslavia]] in [[Karađorđevo hunting ground|Karađorđevo]] to deal with the crisis in Croatia.|alt=Richard Nixon, Josip Broz Tito and their wives standing on the White House South Balcony]]
Tito contacted the United States to inform them of his plan to remove the reformist leadership of Croatia, and the United States did not object. Tito considered deploying the JNA but opted for a political campaign instead. On 1 December, Tito convened a joint meeting of the SKJ and the SKH leaders at the [[Karađorđevo hunting ground]] in Vojvodina. SKH conservatives first criticised the SKH leadership, asking for stern action against nationalism. SKJ presidium members from other republics and provinces then gave speeches supporting the conservative stance, and the SKH leadership was told to control the situation in Croatia.{{sfn|Ramet|2006|p=257}} Tito particularly criticised {{lang|hr|Matica hrvatska}}, accusing it of being a political party and attempting to establish a fascist state similar to the NDH. The next day, after the Karađorđevo meeting, Tito's speech was broadcast to all of Yugoslavia, warning of the threat of [[counter-revolution]].{{sfn|Swain|2011|p=176}}

After the broadcast, the student strike was called off and the SKH leadership announced their agreement with Tito. On 6 December, Bakarić criticised the SKH leadership for not taking any practical steps to comply with Tito's speech of two days earlier, especially for not taking action against {{lang|hr|Matica hrvatska}}. Bakarić accused Tripalo of attempting to split the SKH by exaggerating the popular support for the reformists. Two days later, the SKJ leadership met again and concluded that the SKH was not implementing the decisions adopted in Karađorđevo. Student strike leaders were arrested on 11 December,{{sfn|Swain|2011|p=176}} and Dabčević-Kučar and Pirker were forced to resign by Tito the next day. At that point, Tripalo, [[Marko Koprtla]] and [[Janko Bobetko]] immediately also resigned. In the following days, more resignations were tendered, including the head of the government, Haramija. [[Milka Planinc]] became the head of the SKH. Five hundred students protested in Zagreb against the resignations and were suppressed by riot police.{{sfn|Ramet|2006|p=258}}

Subsequently, tens of thousands were expelled from the SKH, including 741 high-ranking officials such as Dabčević-Kučar, Tripalo, and Pirker. Another 280 SKH members were compelled to resign their posts and 131 were demoted. SKH conservatives demanded a major [[show trial]] with Tuđman as the main defendant, but Tito blocked this proposal.{{sfn|Ramet|2006|pp=258–259}} Instead, Tuđman was convicted of trying to overthrow the "democratic self-managing socialism".{{sfn|Jakovina|2012|p=411}} Overall, 200–300 people were convicted of [[political crime]]s, but thousands more were [[Administrative detention|imprisoned without formal charges]] for two to three months.{{sfn|Ramet|2006|pp=258–259}} {{lang|hr|Matica hrvatska}} and {{lang|hr|Prosvjeta}} were banned, including the former's fourteen publications.{{sfn|Ramet|2006|pp=258–259}}{{sfn|Jakovina|2012|p=411}} Purges targeting media professionals, writers, filmmakers, and university staff continued until late 1972.{{sfn|Ramet|2006|p=259}} Even though the purges took place only in the period after the 1 December 1971 Karađorđevo meeting, this date is usually thought of as the end of the Croatian Spring in commemorations of the events.{{sfn|Šentija|2012|pp=3–4}} Authorities seized and destroyed 40,000 copies of the Moguš, Finka & Babić orthography manual as chauvinist.{{sfn|Dyker|Vejvoda|2014|pp=203–204}} The remaining 600 copies were bound without any foreword or index and marked "for internal use only". This version was reprinted by [[London]]-based Croatian émigré magazine {{ill|Nova Hrvatska|hr|italic=y}} (''New Croatia'') in 1972 and 1984. The book was published again in [[Croatia]] in 1990.{{sfn|IHJJ}}