Editing V. P. Singh (section)

===Mandal Commission report===
{{Main|Mandal Commission}}
{{See also|Mandal Commission protests of 1990}}
Singh himself wished to move forward nationally on social justice-related issues, which would, in addition, consolidate the caste coalition that supported the [[Janata Dal]] in northern India, and accordingly decided to implement the recommendations of the [[Mandal Commission]] which suggested that a fixed quota of all jobs in the public sector be [[Reservation in India|reserved]] for members of the historically disadvantaged called [[Other Backward Classes]].<ref>{{Cite web|date=2015-03-23|title=Mandal vs Mandir|url=https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mandal-vs-mandir/|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170525141543/https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/mandal-vs-mandir/|archive-date=2017-05-25|access-date=2020-12-22|website=The Indian Express|language=en}}</ref>{{Efn|Leading to the formation of the Mandal Commission, Indian society was based largely on the principles of Caste and to that extent a partially closed system. The lack of social mobility created a social stratification that played a dominant role within Indian society, laying the context for the Mandal Commission to be formed. Therefore, during the late 1900s, India witnessed caste and class to stand for different patterns of distribution of properties/occupations for individuals. This directly affected Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes that were known collectively as Other Backward Classes (OBC), which were the focus groups that experienced the severities of caste/class stratification within the social organization (caste) found within traditional India.<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=P-c0nGTRxRIC&q=mandal+commission+and+mandalisation&pg=PA257|title=Current Trends in Indian Politics|last=Gehlot|first=N. S.|date=1998|publisher=Deep & Deep Publications|isbn=9788171007981|pages=264–265}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Sharma|first1=Pawan Kumar|last2=Parthi|first2=Komila|date=June 2004|title=Reproductive health services in Punjab: Evidence of access for Scheduled Castes and non-Scheduled Castes|journal=Social Change|volume=34|issue=2|pages=40–65|doi=10.1177/004908570403400204|s2cid=146674412|issn=0049-0857}}</ref>|name=|group=upper-alpha}}

This decision led to widespread protests among the [[Upper-caste|upper caste]] youth in urban areas in northern India. OBC reservation (less creamy layer) was upheld by the Supreme Court in 2008.<ref>[https://www.nytimes.com/1990/08/22/world/affirmative-action-has-india-s-students-astir.html?scp=171&sq=%22v%20p%20singh%22&st=cse Affirmative Action Has India's Students Astir]. ''The New York Times''. (22 August 1990). Retrieved 14 September 2011.</ref><ref>[https://www.nytimes.com/1990/09/27/world/premier-of-india-in-appeal-on-riots.html?scp=19&sq=%22v%20p%20singh%22&st=cse Premier of India in appeal on riots]. ''The New York Times''. (27 September 1990). Retrieved 14 September 2011.</ref> Culturally unique features of the protests and riots were [[bandh]]s (a version of a strike), [[hartal]]s (a version of a municipal shut-down), [[dharna]]s (a version of swarming).<ref>{{Cite web|last=Datta|first=Saikat|title=This time it's different: Recalling the anti-reservation Mandal protests of 1990|url=http://scroll.in/article/804673/this-time-its-different-recalling-the-anti-reservation-mandal-protests-of-1990|access-date=2020-10-29|website=Scroll.in|date=6 March 2016 |language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|date=July 2, 2007 |title=Mandal Commission – 27 percent reservation in government jobs, 1990|url=https://www.indiatoday.in/magazine/cover-story/story/20070702-1990-mandal-commission-748367-2007-07-02|access-date=2020-10-29|website=India Today|language=en}}</ref> Articles also highlighted politicians and victims of rioting during the protests. Although not advisable, late summer travel by airline and vehicle during the protests was possible without delays, between capitals New Delhi and Chandigarh, and Shimla for example. [[Delhi Police|Police]] prevented extending the range and duration of the strikes, and some strike activity from even occurring.<ref>{{Cite web|date=2015-09-01|title=Sunday Story: Mandal Commission report, 25 years later|url=https://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-others/sunday-story-mandal-commission-report-25-years-later/|access-date=2020-10-29|website=The Indian Express|language=en}}</ref> A national state of emergency was largely not declared to mobilize army units against any one demonstration. The strike helped to give large popularity to the [[Mandal Commission]] report and fueled the political grouping of the [[OBC quota|OBC]] castes, which later helped a lot for the strengthening of regional political parties and stronger parties and other than [[Indian National Congress|Congress]] and [[BJP]].<ref>{{Cite web|last=Rattanpal|first=Divyani|date=2017-08-07|title=How VP Singh Stirred a Hornet's Nest With the Mandal Commission|url=https://www.thequint.com/news/politics/how-vp-singh-stirred-a-hornets-nest-with-the-mandal-commission|access-date=2020-10-29|website=TheQuint|language=en}}</ref> Due to the loss of the votes of the [[backward caste]] neither party opposed it and on seeing the protest nor parties declined it.<ref>Double aspects of [[Mandal Commission]]:-

*With a coalition of opposition parties, the [[Janata Dal]], and gave outside support to the government led by V. P. Singh. The government did not survive long after V. P. Singh's decision to implement the [[Mandal Commission]]'s recommendations as every party had fear of losing the votes of the upper [[Caste system in India|castes]]. ({{Harvard citation no brackets|Sinha|2013|p='''31 (7)''' ({{small|603}})}})
*The act was passed finally in 1990, even after a series of [[Mandal Commission protests of 1990|protests]] as it was a bet of the votes of [[Backward Castes|backward castes]]. ({{Harvard citation no brackets|Mustafa|1995|p=256}})</ref>

Even after the passing of the reservations for the [[Other Backward Class]], he was never accepted by them, and his upper-caste voters also didn't have to trust him. {{Sfn|Chand|1990|pp=87–89}}<ref name=":0"/> Afterward, OBC leaders flexed their political power and outnumbered upper and lower castes to gain political power in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, and Rajasthan. The OBC leaders rejected sharing power with lower caste leaders.<ref>Dalits, Subalternity and Social Change in India, p. 21, Ashok K. Pankaj, Ajit K. Pandey, Routledge</ref>