Editing Canvassing (section)

==History==

===Origins===
The origin of the term is an older spelling of "canvas", to sift by shaking in a sheet of canvas, hence to discuss thoroughly.<ref>{{cite EB1911|wstitle=Canvass}}</ref>

An organized canvass can be seen as early as the [[elections in the Roman Republic]]. In those campaigns candidates would shake the hands of all eligible voters in the [[Roman Forum|Forum]]. Whispering into the ear of some candidates would be a ''[[nomenclator (nomenclature)|nomenclator]]'', a [[slavery in Ancient Rome|slave]] who had been trained to memorize the names of all the voters, so that the candidate could greet them all by name.<ref name="Vishnia2012">{{cite book |last=Vishnia |first=Rachel Feig |title=Roman Elections in the Age of Cicero: Society, Government, and Voting|date=March 12, 2012|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-136-47871-0|pages=112}}</ref>

Modern canvassing can be traced back to the rise of contested elections in [[England]]. For the first centuries of the [[English Parliament]] elections were rarely contested. Losing an election was considered a dishonor to oneself, and to friends and family. Campaigning thus involved quiet sounding out of the small pool of voters. Only once this process had convinced a candidate that he had enough votes to win would he declare his interest in the seat.<ref>Mark A. Kishlansky. ''Cambridge University Press, September 26, 1986'' Cambridge University Press, September 26, 1986, pg. 35</ref>

Beginning in the [[Elizabethan era]], and expanding during the conflicts under the [[House of Stuart|Stuart]]s, elections began to be openly contested. Canvassing was a controversial strategy. In both 1604 and 1626 canvassing for votes was banned. It was seen as a violation to free elections, as votes would be won by persuasion rather than a voter making up his own mind.<ref name="Derek Hirst 2005. pg. 115">Derek Hirst. ''The Representative of the People?: Voters and Voting in England Under the Early Stuarts'' Cambridge University Press, September 15, 2005. pg. 115</ref> Despite this, by the late 17th century, canvassing was standard practice in English elections. Rival campaigns would attempt a full canvass of all voters, which even in the largest districts would only be a few thousand people.{{Citation needed|date=August 2024}}

{{Quote box
 |quote  = ''I got sixty eight promises in [[Oundle]] and its neighbourhood today, and only one refusal. Some doubtful, but most not at home, with who I left printed cards requesting their votes.''
 |author =  [[John Spencer, Viscount Althorp|Lord Althorp]] describing his day of canvassing in [[Northamptonshire]] in the [[1806 United Kingdom general election|1806 election]]
 |source = <ref>Peter Jupp. ''British and Irish Elections 1784-1881''. David and Charles Ltd. 1973. pg. 143</ref>
 |width  = 25%
 |align  = right
}}
There were many reasons why candidates invested much time and money in canvassing. As in the previous tradition of sounding out supporters before announcing, many candidates would use the canvass to determine their level of support, and would drop out before election day if it proved insufficient. Part of the concern would be financial. Campaigning was expensive in an era when voters expected to be plied with food and drink. In this period the candidates had to cover the costs of the election itself. If candidates did not find enough votes during their canvass they would drop out before wasting more money on a losing campaign.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Smith |first1=Robert Worthington |title=Political Organization and Canvassing: Yorkshire Elections Before the Reform Bill |journal=The American Historical Review |date=1969 |volume=74 |issue=5 |pages=1538–1560 |doi=10.2307/1841324 |jstor=1841324}}</ref>

Building the list of voters was also important, as only some districts kept full [[poll book]]s. Legal wrangling over who met the property requirements to vote was important in many campaigns, and canvassing was used to add supporters to the rolls, while investigating the claims of opponents. The growing list of supporters would also be essential to an election day operation. In early elections all voters had to travel to a central town, often some distance from their home, and polling could last several days. During this time voters would be away from their work and their fields. As an example of the challenges, one losing candidate had identified 639 supporters in Kent for the [[Short Parliament]] election of 1640, but only 174 voted, most going home after finding out the polling would take three days.<ref>Derek Hirst. ''The Representative of the People?: Voters and Voting in England Under the Early Stuarts'' Cambridge University Press, September 15, 2005. pg. 117</ref>

===Persuasion and corruption===
A candidate would also make sure to knock on as many doors as possible to win over the voters. Speaking to as many voters as possible was seen as an essential tool to win the "wavering multitudes."<ref name="Derek Hirst 2005. pg. 115"/>
[[File:William Hogarth - Soliciting Votes - WGA11457.jpg|left|thumb|[[William Hogarth]]'s 1754 depiction of the disreputable job of canvassing for votes]]
By the 18th century canvassing was standard practice, but this was also an era of gross electoral corruption, and canvassing was used to bribe and threaten voters,<ref name="Kavanagh1970">{{cite book |last=Kavanagh |first=Dennis |title=Constituency electioneering in Britain|year=1970|publisher=Longmans}}</ref> as famously depicted in [[William Hogarth]]'s ''[[Humours of an Election]]'' series of paintings. Most directly this would take the form of direct bribes to voters. This was the practice in only a minority of districts, but in some areas large bribes had become habitual. In areas without direct bribery, candidates were expected to provide food, drink and banquets. For the priciest campaigns, these various costs added up to sums equivalent to several million pounds in today's money, causing financial hardship even for wealthy candidates.<ref>J.H. Plumb. ''The growth of political stability in England: 1675-1725.'' London: Macmillan, 1967.</ref>
 
In the first elections held in the United States, canvassing was rare. Most elections were uncontested, and even in races with multiple candidates it was considered improper for a candidate to campaign on his own behalf.<ref name="Schudson2011">{{cite book |last=Schudson |first=Michael |title=The Good Citizen: A History of American CIVIC Life|date=January 1, 2011|publisher=Free Press|isbn=978-1-4516-3162-3}}</ref> As the party system developed in the early 19th century, elections became more contested and voluntary associations developed to work on candidates' behalf. As in the United Kingdom, canvassing became an important part of their operations, and they would attempt to visit each voter in a district.<ref name="Schudson2011">{{cite book |last=Schudson |first=Michael |title=The Good Citizen: A History of American CIVIC Life|date=January 1, 2011|publisher=Free Press|isbn=978-1-4516-3162-3}}</ref>
[[File:George Caleb Bingham - Canvassing for a Vote - Google Art Project.jpg|right|thumb|[[George Caleb Bingham]]'s positive portrayal of a candidate canvassing in the United States in 1852]]
This system soon became a venue for gross corruption. [[Machine politics]] developed in the large cities of the eastern US. Winning candidates would reward their supporters with [[patronage appointment]]s, and direct bribery was also common; one study estimated that 20% of New York voters were compensated for their votes during [[Gilded Age]] elections.<ref name="Schudson2011">{{cite book |last=Schudson |first=Michael |title=The Good Citizen: A History of American CIVIC Life|date=January 1, 2011|publisher=Free Press|isbn=978-1-4516-3162-3}}</ref>

In the United Kingdom, the [[Reform Act 1832]] attacked corruption and expanded the franchise. This, combined with the growing strength of the national parties, transformed canvassing. There were no lists of who was eligible to vote under the new law, and it was up to individual voters to register themselves. The parties launched mass canvasses with the goal of adding all of the party's supporters to the electoral roll. As an example, in [[Norwich]] the [[1874 United Kingdom general election|1874]] saw 3000 Liberal and 2000 Conservative paid workers engaged in [[voter registration]].<ref name="DenverHands2013">{{cite book|author1=David Denver|author2=Gordon Hands|title=Modern Constituency Electioneering: Local Campaigning in the 1992 General Election|date=October 23, 2013|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-135-22162-1}}</ref> The massive paid canvassing came to an end with the [[Corrupt and Illegal Practices Prevention Act 1883]], which limited campaign spending. Thus the armies of paid canvassers were replaced with smaller volunteer efforts. Laws were also changed in the United Kingdom to make voter registration almost automatic, removing the need for the parties to expend efforts on it.<ref name="ReferenceA">David Denver. "Canvassing". ''International Encyclopedia of Elections.'' CQ Press, February 2, 2000</ref>

=== Voter identification and decline ===
As corruption faded, parties returned to using canvassing to win votes through persuasion and get-out-the-vote (GOTV) efforts. This was especially true of the new socialist parties such as the [[Labour Party (UK)|Labour Party]] in the United Kingdom, and the [[Co-operative Commonwealth Federation|CCF]] in Canada who had little money but enthusiastic volunteer bases who could be deployed to door steps.<ref>{{Citation |last=Berger |first=Stefan |title=Party Organization |date=December 15, 1994 |work=The British Labour Party and the German Social Democrats, 1900–1931 |pages=70–132 |url=https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205005.003.0003 |access-date=January 31, 2024 |publisher=Oxford University Press |doi=10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205005.003.0003|isbn=978-0-19-820500-5 |url-access=subscription }}</ref>

The years after the [[Second World War]] saw a general decline in canvassing. Political scientists began to question the utility of traditional campaigns. The [[Michigan model]] of voter behaviour became the accepted wisdom. It argued that voters had deep-set partisan loyalties, and that changes in such loyalties take years to develop. A simple knock on the door will do nothing to change a voter's opinion. Parties thus switched their canvassing resources away from persuading voters, focusing only on identifying their supporters and making sure they voted.<ref name="DenverHands2013">{{cite book|author1=David Denver|author2=Gordon Hands|title=Modern Constituency Electioneering: Local Campaigning in the 1992 General Election|date=October 23, 2013|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-135-22162-1}}</ref> The British Labour Party adopted the Reading System developed by [[Ian Mikardo]] to win the [[Reading (UK Parliament constituency)|Reading]] constituency in 1945. It was based on concentrating exclusively on pro-Labour areas and boosting their turnout, while ignoring non-supporters.<ref>Jon Lawrence. ''Electing Our Masters : The Hustings in British Politics from Hogarth to Blair.'' OUP Oxford, March 26, 2009, pg. 146</ref>

Even these approaches were found wanting. [[David Butler (psephologist)|David Butler]] in his Nuffield Model of UK elections found that during the 1950s and 1960s, local campaigns had no effect on the results. With the rise of [[television]], resources were shifted from the ground to mass market advertising, with canvassing seen as a relic of the past. [[Ivor Crewe]] argued that "constituency organizing counts for next to nothing in the television age."<ref name="DenverHands2013">{{cite book|author1=David Denver|author2=Gordon Hands|title=Modern Constituency Electioneering: Local Campaigning in the 1992 General Election|date=October 23, 2013|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-135-22162-1}}</ref> One political scientist wrote there was a belief that canvassing was an "elaborate ritual bringing some sense of gratification to the participants, but making no difference to election results."<ref name="ReferenceA"/>

===Revival===
[[File:AFL CIO Door knocking 2008.jpg|right|thumb|An [[AFL–CIO]] canvasser in the [[2008 United States elections|2008 American election]]]]

In the United States, canvassing hit its all-time low during the 1996 election, with the lowest reported rates of political volunteering, and the lowest recorded voter turnout.<ref>{{cite book |last=Nielsen |first=Rasmus Kleis |title=Ground Wars: Personalized Communication in Political Campaigns|date=February 5, 2012|publisher=Princeton University Press|isbn=978-0-691-15305-6}}</ref> Political scientists began to reassess the effects of canvassing. In Britain new studies found that unlike in earlier decades, a strong field campaign was having an effect on the result. In the United States [[Alan Gerber|Alan S. Gerber]] and [[Donald Green]] launched a series of controlled experiments, and demonstrated that foot canvassing was one of the most effective tools available to boost voter turnout.<ref name="GreenGerber2015">{{cite book|author1=Donald P. Green|author2=Alan S. Gerber|title=Get Out the Vote: How to Increase Voter Turnout|date=September 30, 2015|publisher=Brookings Institution Press|isbn=978-0-8157-2569-5}}</ref>

The years since 2000 have seen a widespread revival of election canvassing. An intensive effort by the [[Al Gore]] campaign of 2000 was credited with gaining several points on election day in the 2000 election, enough to win the popular vote despite being down several points in the polls the day before. Subsequently, the Republicans launched their 72 Hour Program of get out the vote efforts over the last three days of a campaign, and also found demonstrable proof that it gained them several points in key races.<ref name="Nielsen2012">{{cite book |last=Nielsen |first=Rasmus Kleis |title=Ground Wars: Personalized Communication in Political Campaigns|date=February 5, 2012|publisher=Princeton University Press|isbn=978-0-691-15305-6}}</ref> The Obama campaigns of 2008 and 2012 were especially noted for dedicating resources to a field program.<ref name="Issenberg2012">{{cite book |last=Issenberg |first=Sasha |title=The Victory Lab: The Secret Science of Winning Campaigns|year=2012|publisher=Crown|isbn=978-0-307-95479-4}}</ref>

New technologies changed how canvassing was conducted. While door-to-door [[blockwalking]] has been prior to [[COVID-19]] been the most common canvassing technique, canvassing can also be done via phone, [[Political text messaging|texting]], and [[social media]]. Expansive databases of the electorate, such as the [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democrats']] [[NGP VAN]], pulled together canvassing data, consumer information, and demographic profiles to allow precise targeting of voters. No longer would campaigns knock on all the doors in a district, rather voters who would most be persuaded to support the candidate or come out to vote could be targeted. Large campaigns incorporated [[A/B testing]] into their canvassing, to further hone and improve its effectiveness.<ref name="Issenberg2012">{{cite book |last=Issenberg |first=Sasha |title=The Victory Lab: The Secret Science of Winning Campaigns|year=2012|publisher=Crown|isbn=978-0-307-95479-4}}</ref>