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==Devices== There are various ways of encoding causation, which form somewhat of a continuum of "compactness."<ref name=Dixon>Dixon, R.M.W. 2000. "A typology of causatives: form, syntax and meaning". In ''Changing Valency: Case Studies in Transitivity'', Dixon, R.M.W. and Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald, eds. New York: Cambridge University Press. p.30–83.</ref>{{rp|74–5}} ===Lexical=== Lexical causatives are common in the world's languages. There are three kinds of lexical causatives, the unifying factor being that the idea of causation is part of the semantics of the verb itself.<ref name=Payne/>{{rp|177}} (English, for example, employs all three of these kinds of lexical causatives.) On the surface, lexical causatives look essentially the same as a regular transitive verb. There are a few reasons why this is not true. The first is that transitive verbs generally do not have an intransitive counterpart but lexical causatives do. The semantics of the verbs show the difference as well. A regular transitive verb implies a single event while a lexical causative implies a realization of an event:{{refn|name=VC2002|Velázquez-Castillo, Maura (2002). "Guaraní causative constructions." pg. 507–534 of Shibatani (2002).<ref name=Shibatani/>}}{{rp|511}} :(a) John kicked the ice but nothing happened to it. :(b) *John melted the ice but nothing happened to it. Sentence (b) is judged ungrammatical because it goes against the successful event implied by the verb ''melt''. ====One word==== {{Main|Causative alternation}} Some languages, including English, have [[ambitransitive verb]]s like ''break'', ''burn'' or ''awake'', which may either be [[intransitive verb|intransitive]] or [[Transitive verb|transitive]] ("The vase broke" vs. "I broke the vase.") These are split into two varieties: [[Ambitransitive verb#Agentive and patientive|agentive and patientive]] ambitransitives. Agentive ambitransitives (also called S=A ambitransitives) include verbs such as ''walk'' and ''knit'' because the S of the intransitive corresponds to the A of the transitive. For example: :(1a) ''Mary'' (S) ''is knitting.'' :(1b) ''Mary'' (A) ''is knitting a scarf'' (O). This type of ambitransitive does ''not'' show a causative relationship. For patientive ambitransitives (also called S=O ambitransitives), such as ''trip'' and ''spill'', the S of the intransitive corresponds to the O of the transitive: :(2a) ''The milk '' (S) ''spilled.'' :(2b) ''Jim'' (A) ''spilled the milk'' (O). These are further divided into two more types, based on speakers' intuition. Some, like ''spill'' in (2), are primarily transitive and secondarily intransitive. Other verbs like this include ''smash'' and ''extend.'' Other verbs, such as ''trip'' in (3) go the other way: they are primarily intransitive and secondarily transitive. :(3a) ''John'' (S) ''tripped.'' :(3b) ''Mary'' (A) ''tripped John'' (O). Other examples of this type include ''explode'', ''melt'', ''dissolve'', ''walk'', and ''march''. It is this type of ambitransitive verb that is considered a causative.<ref name=Dixon/>{{rp|38}} This is given some anecdotal evidence in that to translate (3b) above into languages with morphological causatives, a morpheme would need to be attached to the verb. Lexical causatives are apparently constrained to involving only one agentive argument. Semantically, the causer is usually marked as the patient. In fact, it is unlikely whether any language has a lexical causative for verbs such as ''swim'', ''sing'', ''read'', or ''kick''.<ref name=Shibatani/>{{rp|3}} ====Irregular stem change==== English ''fell'' (as in "Paul felled the tree") can be thought of as a lexical causative of ''fall'' ("the tree fell"), exemplifying this category.<ref name=Payne/>{{rp|177}} This is considered a lexical change because it is not at all productive. If it were productive, it would be an internal change morphological causative (below).<ref name=Payne/>{{rp||178}} ====Two words==== English has verb pairs such as ''rise'' and ''raise'', ''eat'' and ''feed'', ''see'' and ''show'' where one is essentially the causative correspondent of the other.<ref name=Payne/>{{rp|177}} These pairs are linked semantically by various means, usually involving translation. For example, ''burn'' as in "The grass burned" (intransitive) would translate as ''awa-'' in [[Yimas language|Yimas]], while ''burn'' as in "I burned the grass" (transitive) would translate as ''ampu-'' in Yimas.<ref name=Dixon/>{{rp|40}} ===Morphological=== There are eight different morphological processes by which a causative may be marked, roughly organized by compactness:<ref name=Dixon/>{{rp|34}} {| class="wikitable" |- ! Process !! Basic Verb !! Causative Form !! Language |- | internal change || {{lang|lt|tìkti}} {{gloss|be suitable}} || {{lang|lt|táikyti}} {{gloss|make suitable}} || [[Lithuanian language|Lithuanian]] |- | tone change || {{lang|lhu|nɔ̂}} (high falling) {{gloss|be awake}} || {{lang|lhu|nɔ̄}} (low level) {{gloss|awaken, rouse}} || [[Lahu language|Lahu]] |- | consonant repetition || {{Transliteration|afb|xarab}} {{gloss|go bad}} || {{Transliteration|afb|xarrab}} {{gloss|make go bad, ruin}} || [[Gulf Arabic]] |- | vowel lengthening || {{Transliteration|ks|mar}} {{gloss|die}} || {{Transliteration|ks|ma:r}} {{gloss|kill}} || [[Kashmiri language|Kashmiri]] |- | reduplication || {{Transliteration|jv|bengok}} {{gloss|shout}} || {{Transliteration|jv|be-bengok}} {{gloss|make shout}} || [[Javanese language|Javanese]] |- | prefix || {{Transliteration|am|gǝbba}} {{gloss|enter}} || {{Transliteration|am|a-gǝbba}} {{gloss|insert}} || [[Amharic language|Amharic]] |- | suffix || {{lang|quc|-kam-}} {{gloss|die}} || {{lang|quc|-kam-isa-}} {{gloss|kill}} || [[Kʼicheʼ language|Kʼicheʼ]] |- | circumfix || {{Transliteration|ka|-č'am-}} {{gloss|eat}} || {{Transliteration|ka|-a-č'm-ev-}} {{gloss|feed (make eat)}} || [[Georgian language|Georgian]] |} Within morphological causatives, this degree of compactness bears an important variable when considering the semantics of the two processes. For example, mechanisms that do not change the length of the word (internal change, tone change) are shorter than those that lengthen it. Of those that lengthen it, shorter changes are more compact than longer. Verbs can be classified into four categories, according to how susceptible they are to morphological causativization:<ref name=Shibatani/>{{rp|4–11}} # Inactive intransitives (''faint'') # Middle/ingestive verbs (either intransitive or transitive such as ''sit down'', ''ascend'', ''put clothes on'', ''eat'', or ''learn'') # Active intransitives (''work'') # Transitive verbs (''carry'') This hierarchy has some exceptions, but it does generally hold true. For example, given a text of [[Guarani language|Guarani]], only about 16% of causatives apply to transitives.<ref name=Shibatani/>{{rp|5}} For some languages, it may not apply to transitive verbs [[productivity (linguistics)|productively]] and may only apply to verbs that denote abstract action or consumption of food. Additionally, within [[Athabaskan languages|Athabaskan]] family, all languages can causativize inactive intransitives, but not all of them can causativize active intransitives or even transitives.<ref name=Shibatani/>{{rp|5}} ===Two verbs in one predicate=== A number of languages involve a form of analytic causative that involves two verbs in a single predicate, such as [[French language|French]], [[Spanish language|Spanish]], [[Italian language|Italian]] and [[Catalan language|Catalan]].<ref name=Dixon />{{rp|35}} For example, when French ''faire'' is used as a causative, the causee noun phrase cannot occur between it and the next verb.{{refn|Comrie, B. (1976). "The syntax of causative constructions: cross-language similarities and divergencies." pp. 261–312. In Shibantani 1976.<ref>Shibatani, M., ed. (1976). ''Syntax and semantics'', Vol VI, ''The grammar of causative constructions.'' New York: Academic Press.</ref>}} {{interlinear|indent=3 | je ferai manger les gâteaux à Jean | 1SG.A make+FUT+1SG eat+INF the cakes PREP Jean | "I will make Jean eat the cakes."<ref name=Dixon />{{rp|35}} }} Unlike most other [[Romance languages]], [[Portuguese language|Portuguese]] uses a periphrastic construction like that of [[English language|English]], discussed below. [[Kiowa language|Kiowa]] uses a similar mechanism. Verbs can be compounded with the transitive verb ''ɔ́m'' to create a causative:{{refn|Watkins, L.J. (1984). ''A grammar of Kiowa'' Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. p. 153. Cited in Dixon (2000).<ref name=Dixon/>{{rp|35}}}} {{interlinear|indent=3 | bé-k<sup>h</sup>ó-ày-ɔ́m | 2SG.A-now-start.off-CAUS+IMP | "Go ahead and run it [the tape recorder]!" ({{lit}} "make it start off") }} ===Periphrastic constructions=== Some languages use a periphrastic (or analytic) construction to express causation and typically include two verbs and two clauses. English causatives prototypically use ''make'' (but other verbs such as ''cause'', ''order'', ''allow'', ''force'', ''compel'' can be used) in the main clause with the lexical verb in a [[subordinate clause]], as in "I made him go."<ref name=Dixon />{{rp|35–7}} Other languages, such as [[Persian language|Persian]],{{refn|Mahootian, S. (1997). ''Persian''. London: Routledge. Cited in Dixon (2000)<ref name=Dixon />{{rp|36}}}} have the opposite syntax: the causative is in a subordinating clause and the main verb is in the main clause, as in the following example from [[Macushi language|Macushi]]: {{interlinear|indent=3 | [imakui'pî kupî Jesus-ya] emapu'tî yonpa-'pî makui-ya teuren | bad do Jesus-ERG CAUS try-PAST Satan-ERG {{gcl|FRUSTRATION|small-caps=yes}} | "Satan unsuccessfully tried to make Jesus do bad."{{refn|Abbot, M. (1991). "Macushi" pp. 40 in Derbyshire & Pullum (1991){{refn| name=DerbyshirePullum |Derbyshire, D. C. & Pullum, G. K., eds. (1986). ''Handbook of Amazonian languages'' Vol 1. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Cited in Dixon (2000)<ref name=Dixon />{{rp|36}}}}}} }} [[Timbira language|Canela-Krahô]] has a combination of the two in which the causee is marked twice, once in each clause: {{interlinear|indent=3 | Capi te ['''i'''-jōt na] '''i'''-to | Capi PAST '''1SG.S'''-sleep SUBORD '''1SG.O'''-CAUS | "Capi made '''me''' sleep."{{refn|Popjes, J. & Popjes, J. (1986). "Canela-Kraho". p. 143 in Derbyshire & Pullum (1986)<ref name=DerbyshirePullum/>}} }} Portuguese also has a periphrastic construction like that of English but unlike most other Romance languages: {{interlinear|indent=3 | Eu fiz José comer os bolos | 1SG make+PAST+1SG José eat+INF the cakes | "I made José eat the cakes."{{refn|Aissen, J. (1974). "Verb raising," ''Linguistic Inquiry'' 5.325–66. Cited in Dixon (2000)<ref name=Dixon />{{rp|37}}}} }} Analytic causatives are sometimes not considered to be valency increasing devices, but they can semantically be interpreted as such{{refn|name=Payne}}.{{rp|181}}
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