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== Party systems by country or region == === Europe === Democratic party systems in most [[List of sovereign states and dependent territories in Europe|European states]] have increasingly fragmented over time. That means that the number of relevant parties surged, while the average size declined. Hence, the [[effective number of parties]] increased.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Schminke |first1=Tobias Gerhard |title=Fragmentation: The Animal Party-isation of European Party Systems |url=https://europeelects.eu/2022/03/07/fragmentation |access-date=15 March 2022 |publisher=Europe Elects |date=7 March 2022}}</ref> ==== European Union ==== The [[European Parliament]] has compared to other parliaments a higher number of political parties with 206, to reduce [[political fragmentation]] the parties are organized into 7 [[political groups]]. Two structures of party system have been identified in the [[European Parliament]] since its first [[universal suffrage|universal]] direct election in 1979, albeit the main EU party groups remained the same:<ref>Simon Hix, "A supranational party system and the legitimacy of the European Union", ''The International Spectator'', 4/2002, pp. 50–59</ref> * 1979–1994: a system split in two blocs on the left/right dimension, with the left bloc ([[Party of European Socialists|Socialists]], [[Communist and Allies Group|Communists]] and [[European Green Party|Greens]]) opposing a right bloc ([[European People's Party (European Parliament group)|Christian democrats]], [[Group of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe|Liberals]] and [[European Democratic Union|Gaullists]]) * 1994-onwards: a system in which the three central parties (the conservative [[European People's Party|EPP]], the socialist [[Party of European Socialists|PES]] and the liberal [[Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe group|ALDE]]) have voted as much with each other as with their smaller allies, thus 'governing' the system, and facing different oppositions from the left ([[Party of the European Left|European Left]] and [[European Green Party|Greens]] and leftist [[euroskeptic|eurosceptic]]s) and from the right ([[European Democratic Union|Gaullists]], rightist [[euroskeptic|eurosceptic]]s and [[Alliance of Independent Democrats in Europe|nationalists]]). ==== Italy ==== Italian party systems are usually considered only since the foundation of the [[Italian Republic]] (1946) as pre-[[fascist]] parties lacked a wide popular base. The party system of the so-called ''First Republic'' (1948–1994), though based on a proportional electoral law, saw the dominance of the [[Christian Democracy (Italy)|Christian Democracy]] (DC) and the ''conventio ad excludendum'' against the [[Italian Communist Party]] (PCI). DC and PCI together gathered around 85% of the votes on average. The system was thus a blocked bipolar system; governments were very short (in average lasting less than one year) and post-electoral, but the supporting parties and personnel could not change. With time, some parties (especially the [[Italian Socialist Party]], PSI) gained momentum, until reaching the role of government-making in the 1980s. The system was completely destroyed by the bribery scandals of [[Tangentopoli]], which shattered DC and PSI. According to [[Sartori]], the two possible degenerations of [[proportionalism]] (fragmentation and lack of party discipline) were reduced by two factors: the strong role of parties ("''partitocrazia''") and the polarization between Christian-democrats and communists. Therefore, the ''first republic'' saw a maximum level of 5 effective parties, with only one dominant party.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Legge elettorale che cosa fare – Corriere della Sera|url=https://www.corriere.it/editoriali/10_novembre_07/sartori-che-fare_602ef5ea-ea47-11df-acba-00144f02aabc.shtml|access-date=2021-02-26|website=www.corriere.it}}</ref> The so-called ''Second Republic'' party system (since 1994) bears the following characteristic marks: * a majoritarian electoral law, introduced by referendum in 1993, which brought about a bi-polarization of the game (although limited by the 1/4 of votes still gathered proportionally) * the birth of {{Lang|it|[[Forza Italia]]|italic=no}} as personal party of [[Silvio Berlusconi]], with a strong polarization effect * the rise of new parties (the environmentalists [[Federation of the Greens|Verdi]] and the autonomist [[Lega Nord]] since the late 1980s, [[Alleanza Nazionale]] through a reform of the post-fascist [[Italian Social Movement]]) * the split of old parties (between reformed post-communist [[Democratic Party of the Left]] and neo-communists of [[Rifondazione Comunista]]; between left-wing and right-wing of old Christian Democrats and Socialists, siding with or against Berlusconi) Though more fragmented in the number of parties, the system was bipolar in its functioning. With time, both sides saw a strengthening of coalitions (even if with ups and downs) and the birth of unified parties (the [[Ulivo]] federation and then the [[Democratic Party (Italy)|Democratic Party]] on the left, and the [[People of Freedom]] party on the right side). The change in the electoral law in 2005 and the return to proportionality (although with a majority premium able to transform, in the lower chamber, the plurality in a 55% majority) did not bring about a return to collusion, while still leaving such prospect open for the future. ==== Germany ==== {{update section|date=June 2024}} The 2009 Bundestag election in Germany was characterized by widespread public apathy and record low voter turnout. Weldon and Nüsser (2010) argue that it solidified a new stable, but fluid five-party system that they see as a defining feature of the emerging German political system. The three minor parties each achieved historical bests at the polls with steep losses for the two traditional Volksparteien. They report that the increased volatility and fluidity of the party system is structured along the left-right ideological spectrum with the parties divided into two major camps and vote-switching much more likely within the respective camps rather than between them.<ref>Steven Weldon and Andrea Nüsser, "Bundestag Election 2009: Solidifying the Five Party System", ''German Politics and Society'', 9/30/2010, Vol. 28 Issue 3, pp. 47–64</ref> The 2009 election also marked a devastating defeat for the SPD, leading some commentators to speculate about the end of the [[Social Democratic Party of Germany]] (SPD) as a "catch-all party" and, against the backdrop of recent poor performance of center-left parties all across Europe—perhaps even "the end of social democracy".<ref>William E. Paterson, and James Sloam, "The SPD and the Debacle of the 2009 German Federal Election: An Opportunity for Renewal", ''German Politics and Society'', 9/30/2010, Vol. 28 Issue 3, pp. 65–81</ref> The 2013 election saw the first time that the liberal Free Democratic Party (FDP) that had been represented in parliament since 1949 and formed part of government as a coalition partner to either SPD or CDU (Christian Democratic Union, the major conservative / center-right party) for almost all of the period from 1949 to 1998 and again from 2009 to 2013 fell below the 5% threshold for parliamentary representation. The same election also saw the rise of the "Alternative for Germany" (AfD) party that ran on an anti-Euro platform and failed to enter parliament on their first federal election just barely with 4.8% of the vote. After this election the second [[grand coalition]] between CDU and SPD since 2005 was formed. Prior to that Germany had only had one grand coalition that governed from 1966 to 1969, typically coalitions of one big and one small party at the federal level were used instead in a two-and-a-half party arrangement. Whether this shift proves temporary or permanent remains yet to be seen ==== Central and Eastern Europe ==== Four party systems have been identified in post-communist countries of Central-Eastern Europe:<ref>Agh (1998) and Oppelland (2003), as quoted by Schmitt and Thomassed, "The EU Party System after Eastern Enlargement", ''Political Science Series'' #105, ''Institute for Advanced Studies'', Vienna, 2005</ref> * I system (late 1980s – early 1990s): dominated by the opposition between communists and anti-communists, i.e. from supporters and opponents of the old regime; spontaneous mass movements formed on idealistic bases and transformed into 'umbrella parties' * II system (early 1990s): opposition between winners and losers of the economic transition to a [[market economy]]. Anti-communist parties split and formed unstable coalition governments. Many parties, with a narrow political base, grew up * III system (late 1990s): the social conflicts of market transition aggravated, and [[social-democratic]] post-communist parties took over. The party system concentrated, while electoral volatility was extremely high * IV system (2000s): rise of a relatively stable and modestly concentrated party system, organized on a left-right dimension, including post-communist parties. Fragmentation did not rise again after the fall of many social-democratic parties from government. ==== Finland ==== [[History of Finland|Finland]] was a Grand Duchy controlled by Russia until 1918. Nationalistic demands from the peasants and workers for greater use of the Finnish language led to the first political party: the Finnish Party in 1860. In response, the Swedish-speaking aristocracy, landowners and businessmen formed their own political party. Thus emerged the first party system.<ref>Alan Siaroff, "Democratic Breakdown and Democratic Stability: A Comparison of Interwar Estonia and Finland", ''Canadian Journal of Political Science'' Vol. 32, No. 1 (Mar., 1999), pp. 103–124 [109], {{jstor|3232774}}</ref> ==== Greece ==== Following the collapse of the military dictatorship in 1974, the centre right [[New Democracy (Greece)|New Democracy]] and centre left [[PASOK]] came to dominate the Greek party system. PASOK and New Democracy had a combined vote share of 80 percent or more in every election between 1981 and 2000.<ref>Takis S. Pappas Ph.D. Candidate (2003) The transformation of the Greek party system since 1951, West European Politics, 26:2, 90–114 [https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01402380512331341121]</ref> Following the 2008 recession and the ensuing [[Greek government-debt crisis|sovereign debt crisis]] in the country, the populist left [[Syriza]] came to challenge the dominance of PASOK and New Democracy, increasing its vote share in every election from 2009 until eventually winning power in 2015.<ref>Stavrakakis, Y. (2015), "Populism in power: Syriza's challenge to Europe". ''Juncture'', 21: 273–280. {{doi|10.1111/j.2050-5876.2015.00817.x}} </ref> === Switzerland=== [[Federal Assembly (Switzerland)|Swiss Federal Assembly]] is organized by [[political groups]]. === Canada === ==== Federal party systems ==== According to recent scholars, there have been four party systems in Canada at the federal level since Confederation, each with its own distinctive pattern of social support, [[patronage]] relationships, leadership styles, and electoral strategies.<ref>[[#Gag07|Gagnon and Tanguay, 2007]]: 1</ref> Political scientists disagree on the names and precise boundaries of the eras, however. Steve Patten identifies four party systems in Canada's political history.<ref>[[#Pat07|Patten, 2007]]: 57–58</ref> Clarkson (2005) shows how the [[Liberal Party of Canada|Liberal Party]] has dominated all the party systems, using different approaches. It began with a "clientelistic approach" under [[Sir Wilfrid Laurier|Laurier]], which evolved into a "brokerage" system of the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s under [[William Lyon Mackenzie King|Mackenzie King]]. The 1950s saw the emergence of a "pan-Canadian system", which lasted until the 1990s. The [[1993 Canadian federal election|1993 election]] – described by Clarkson as an electoral "earthquake" which "fragmented" the party system — saw the emergence of regional politics within a four party-system, whereby various groups championed regional issues and concerns. Clarkson concludes that the inherent bias built into the first-past-the-post system has chiefly benefited the Liberals.<ref>Stephen Clarkson, ''The Big Red Machine: How the Liberal Party Dominates Canadian Politics'' (2005) {{ISBN?}}{{page?|date=January 2025}}</ref> * The first party system emerged from pre-Confederation colonial politics, reached its zenith from 1896 to 1911, and lasted until the [[Conscription Crisis of 1917]]. It was characterized by local patronage administered by the two largest parties, the [[Liberals (Canada)|Liberals]] and the [[Conservative Party of Canada (historical)|Conservatives]]. * The second system emerged following the First World War, and reached its peak in the period between 1935 and 1957. It was characterized by regionalism and saw the emergence of several protest parties, such as the [[Progressives (Canada)|Progressives]], the [[Social Credit Party (Canada)|Social Credit Party]], and the [[Co-operative Commonwealth Federation]]. * The third system emerged in 1963 lasted until 1983, and began to unravel thereafter. This period saw the traditional two parries challenged by a strong third party, the [[New Democratic Party of Canada|New Democratic Party]]. Campaigns during this era became more national in scope due to the advent of [[electronic media]], and involved a greater focus on leadership. The dominant policy of the era was [[Keynesian]] economics. The Election Act of 1974 was introduced during this period, allowing candidates party affiliation to appear on ballots, therefore an increased importance of party labels.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Sevi |first1=Semra |last2=Yoshinaka |first2=Antoine |last3=Blais |first3=André |title=Legislative Party Switching and the Changing Nature of the Canadian Party System, 1867–2015 |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/canadian-journal-of-political-science-revue-canadienne-de-science-politique/article/abs/legislative-party-switching-and-the-changing-nature-of-the-canadian-party-system-18672015/32698D19C6CF4C3C297EEDC2E9020EE0 |journal=Canadian Journal of Political Science/Revue Canadienne de Science Politique |year=2018 |language=en |volume=51 |issue=3 |pages=665–695 |doi=10.1017/S0008423918000203 |s2cid=158947259 |issn=0008-4239|url-access=subscription }}</ref> This led to a shift from a candidate-centred system to a party-centred system, resulting in party leaders and the label of the candidate to play a major role in the deciding factor for voters.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Sevi |first1=Semra |last2=Yoshinaka |first2=Antoine |last3=Blais |first3=André |date=1867–2015 |title=Legislative Party Switching and the Changing Nature of the Canadian Party System, 1867–2015 |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/canadian-journal-of-political-science-revue-canadienne-de-science-politique/article/abs/legislative-party-switching-and-the-changing-nature-of-the-canadian-party-system-18672015/32698D19C6CF4C3C297EEDC2E9020EE0 |journal=Canadian Journal of Political Science/Revue Canadienne de Science Politique |language=en |volume=51 |issue=3 |pages=665–695 |doi=10.1017/S0008423918000203 |s2cid=158947259 |issn=0008-4239|url-access=subscription }}</ref> Leon Epstein characterized Canada as a "two-party plus" system, as only the Liberal and Conservative Party could form government, with the NDP present but not winning many seats.<ref name="ScottoStephenson2004">{{Cite journal |last1=Scotto |first1=Thomas J. |last2=Stephenson |first2=Laura B. |last3=Kornberg |first3=Allan |date=2004-09-01 |title=From a two-party-plus to a one-party-plus? Ideology, vote choice, and prospects for a competitive party system in Canada |journal=Electoral Studies |language=en |volume=23 |issue=3 |pages=463–483 |doi=10.1016/S0261-3794(03)00054-4 |issn=0261-3794}}</ref> * The fourth party system began with the 1993 election, which saw the decline of the [[Progressive Conservative Party of Canada|Progressive Conservatives]] and NDP and rise of the [[Reform Party of Canada]] and the [[Bloc Québécois]], and eventually led to the PCs merging with the Reform-descended [[Canadian Alliance]]. It saw most parties move to one-member-one-vote leadership contests, and a major reform to campaign finance laws in 2004. The fourth party system has been characterized by market-oriented policies that abandoned Keynesian policies, but maintained the welfare state. It was the elections of both 1997 and 2000 that showed that there was significant transformation in Canada's party system, showing they have undergone a transformation into a genuine [[Multi-party system|multiparty system]].<ref name="ScottoStephenson2004" /> ==== Provincial party systems ==== Party systems differ across Canada in each province, as different provinces have different priorities, and values for their residents.<ref name="WesleyBuckley2021">{{Cite journal |last1=Wesley |first1=Jared J. |last2=Buckley |first2=Clare |date=2021-04-03 |title=Canadian Provincial Party Systems: An Analytical Typology |journal=American Review of Canadian Studies |volume=51 |issue=2 |pages=213–236 |doi=10.1080/02722011.2021.1923249 |issn=0272-2011 |s2cid=237436279}}</ref> According to Jared Wesley and Clare Buckley, there are two ways of comparing provincial party systems in Canada: "conflict intensity"'','' which is the extent to which parties challenge each other on priorities and opinions, some party systems features more competition when it comes to party options; and competitiveness, a measure of how close the average election is in terms of outcome, an uncompetitive system would show dominance in one party but competitiveness is good in sense that it gives a better sense of democracy.<ref name="WesleyBuckley2021" /> This leads to what they determine are the two types of party systems that are common in provincial politics: centripetal party systems and centrifugal party systems. * Centripetal party systems are most prevalent in [[Central Canada|Central]] and [[Atlantic Canada]], due to regional, linguistic, religious, and ethnic cleavages. They are regions where typically one prominent party reigns. These regions are where the Liberal Party has remained a strong political force prominently for decades.<ref name="WesleyBuckley2021" /> * Centrifugal party system which has been polarized to describe party systems such as those in [[Western Canada]]. Competition between various different parties with vast differences in ideologies and values.<ref name="WesleyBuckley2021" /> Additionally, from elections based from 1960 to 1995, Wesley and Buckley concluded that there are four different classifications of a party system for each of the ten provincial party systems.<ref name="WesleyBuckley2021" /> These groupings of classifications have most likely changed since 1995, as there has been a rise in different political parties for different provinces since these times. The four categories include: * [[Dominant-party system|One-party dominant]]: Alberta * [[Two-party system|Traditional two-party]]: Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island, Newfoundland * [[Multi-party system|Three-party]]: Ontario, Manitoba * Polarized: British Columbia, Saskatchewan, Quebec, New Brunswick There has been a growing separation between federal and provincial political party systems, resulting in a separation of political perspectives typically associated with specific parties therefore fewer provincial and federal systems are symmetrical. Provincial systems for example, are simpler, stable, and often reflect the cleavages of each province (such as language, religion, class and ethnicity).<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Carty |first=R. Kenneth |date=2006 |title=Political Turbulence in a Dominant Party System |journal=PS: Political Science and Politics |volume=39 |issue=4 |pages=825–827 |doi=10.1017/S1049096506061026 |doi-broken-date=1 November 2024 |issn=1049-0965 |s2cid=155027795}}</ref> ==== Territorial party systems ==== [[Nunavut]] and the [[Northwest Territories]] do not have political parties, and instead operate under [[Consensus government in Canada|consensus government]]. All candidates run and are elected as independents, and the newly elected legislature decides which of its members will make up the executive council. Due to their smaller populations, many argue that the absence of political parties makes it easier for voters to decide the person they are voting for. Other argue that it makes it harder for voters to recognize the goals and priorities of candidates, and that the lack of an opposition makes it harder for identify issues during debates.<ref name="Henderson2006">{{Cite journal |last=Henderson |first=Ailsa |date=2004 |title=Northern political culture?: Political behaviour in Nunavut |journal=Études/Inuit/Studies |volume=28 |issue=1 |pages=133–154 |doi=10.7202/012643ar |issn=0701-1008 |doi-access=free}}</ref> === United States === {{main|Political parties in the United States}} The concept of the party system was introduced by English scholar [[James Bryce, 1st Viscount Bryce|James Bryce]] in ''American Commonwealth'' (1888). ''American Party Systems'' was a major textbook by [[Charles Merriam]] in 1920s. In 1967 the most important single breakthrough appeared, ''The American Party Systems. Stages of Political Development'', edited by William Nisbet Chambers and [[Walter Dean Burnham]]. It brought together historians and political scientists who agreed on a common framework and numbering system. Thus Chambers published ''The First Party System'' in 1972. Burnham published numerous articles and books. Closely related is the concept of ''critical elections'' (introduced by [[V. O. Key]] in 1955), and [[political realignments]]. Realigning elections involve major changes to the political system, regarding the coalition of voters, the rules of the game, finance and publicity, party organization, and party leadership. A political science college textbook explains: :"Scholars generally agree that realignment theory identifies five distinct party systems with the following approximate dates and major parties: 1. 1796–1816, First Party System: Jeffersonian Republicans and Federalists; 2. 1840–1856, Second Party System: Democrats and Whigs; 3. 1860–1896, Third Party System: Republicans and Democrats; 4. 1896–1932, Fourth Party System: Republicans and Democrats; 5. 1932–, Fifth Party System: Democrats and Republicans."<ref>Robert C. Benedict, Matthew J. Burbank and Ronald J. Hrebenar, ''Political Parties, Interest Groups and Political Campaigns.'' Westview Press. 1999. p. 11. {{ISBN?}}</ref> There have been at least six different party systems throughout the history of the United States:<ref name="auto3">Marjorie Randon Hershey, ''Party Politics in America'' (12th ed. 2007) pp. 119–123</ref> [[First Party System]]: This system can be considered to have developed as a result of the factions in the [[George Washington]] administration. The two factions were [[Alexander Hamilton]] and the [[Federalists]] and [[Thomas Jefferson]] and the [[Democratic-Republican Party]]. The Federalists argued for a strong national government with a national bank and a strong economic and industry system. The Democratic-Republicans argued for a limited government, with a greater emphasis on farmers and states' rights. After the 1800 presidential election, the Democratic-Republicans gained major dominance for the next sixty years, and the Federalists slowly died off. [[Second Party System]]: This system developed as a result of the one party rule of the Democratic-Republicans not being able to contain some of the most pressing issues of the time, namely slavery. Out of this system came the [[Whig Party (United States)|Whig Party]] and [[Henry Clay]]'s [[American System (economic plan)|American System]]. Wealthier people tended to support the Whigs, and the poorer tended to support the Democrats. During the Jacksonian era, his Democratic Party evolved from Democratic-Republicans. The Whig party began to break apart into factions, mainly over the issue of slavery. This period lasted until 1860. [[Third Party System]]: Beginning around the time of the start of the Civil War, this system was defined by bitter conflict and striking party differences and coalitions. These coalitions were most evidently defined by geography. The South was dominated by the Democrats who opposed the ending of slavery, and the North, with the exception of some major political machines, was dominated by the Republicans, who supported ending slavery. This era was a time of extreme industrial and economic expansion. The Third Party System lasted until 1896. [[Fourth Party System]]: This era was defined by Progressivism and immigration, as well as the political aftermath of the [[American Civil War]]. Northeastern business supported the Republicans while the South and West supported the Democrats. Immigrant groups were courted by both parties. The Fourth Party System came to an end around 1932.<ref>Hershey, Marjorie Randon. ''Party Politics in America'', 14th ed. 2011: Longman Classics in Political Science. pp. 120–121</ref> [[Fifth Party System]]: This system was defined by the creation of the [[New Deal Coalition]] by President [[Franklin D. Roosevelt]] in response to the [[Great Depression]]. This coalition supporting new social welfare programs brought together many under-privileged, working class, and minority groups including unions, Catholics, and Jews. It also attracted African-Americans, who had previously largely supported the Republican Party due to Lincoln's freeing of the slaves. This era lasted approximately until early-mid 1970s.<ref>Hershey, Marjorie Randon. ''Party Politics in America'' 14th ed. 2011: Longman Classics in Political Science. p. 121 {{ISBN?}}</ref> [[Sixth Party System]]: The transition to this system appears to have begun with the [[Civil Rights Act of 1964]] with the Democrats subsequently losing their long dominance of the South in the late 1960s, with the [[Republican Party (United States)|GOP]] adopting the [[southern strategy]] leading to Republican dominance as evidenced by election results.<ref name="auto3"/> === Argentina === Scholars of [[History of Argentina|Argentina]] identify two distinct party systems, one in place between 1912 and 1940, the other emerging after 1946. The first party system was not consistently class based, but the second was, with the [[Radical Civic Union|Radical Party]] representing the middle classes and the [[Peronists]], workers and the poor.<ref>Noam Lupu and Susan C. Stokes, "The Social Bases of Political Parties in Argentina, 1912–2003", ''Latin American Research Review'' Vol. 44#1, 2009 pp. 58–87</ref>
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