Editing Recall (memory) (section)

==Phenomena==
The phenomenological account of recall is referred to as [[metacognition]], or "knowing about knowing". This includes many states of conscious awareness known as feeling-of-knowing states, such as the tip-of-the-tongue state. It has been suggested that metacognition serves a self-regulatory purpose whereby the brain can observe errors in processing and actively devote resources to resolving the problem. It is considered an important aspect of cognition that can aid in the development of successful learning strategies that can also be generalized to other situations.<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Son | first1 = L. K. | year = 2004 | title = Spacing one's study: Evidence for a metacognitive control strategy | journal = Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition | volume = 30 | issue = 3| pages = 601–605 | doi=10.1037/0278-7393.30.3.601| pmid = 15099128 | citeseerx = 10.1.1.457.1728 }}</ref>

===Mnemonics and cognitive strategies===
A key technique in improving and helping recall memory is to take advantage of Mnemonic devices and other cognitive strategies. Mnemonic devices are a type of cognitive strategy that enables individuals to memorize and recall new information in an easier fashion, rather than just having to remember a list of information that is not related to one another.<ref name="Bermingham, D. 2013">{{cite journal | last1 = Bermingham | first1 = D. | last2 = Hill | first2 = R. D. | last3 = Woltz | first3 = D. | last4 = Gardner | first4 = M. K. | year = 2013 | title = Cognitive Strategy Use and Measured Numeric Ability in Immediate- and Long-Term Recall of Everyday Numeric Information | journal = PLOS ONE | volume = 8 | issue = 3| pages = 1–10 | doi = 10.1371/journal.pone.0057999 | pmid=23483964 | pmc=3590296| bibcode = 2013PLoSO...857999B | doi-access = free }}</ref> An example of mnemonic devices are PEMDAS or Please Excuse My Dear Aunt Sally; this is a device for arithmetic when solving equations that have parenthesis, exponents, multiplication, division, addition, or subtraction and what order to do each calculation. Words or an acronym can stand for a process that individuals need to recall. The benefits of using these types of strategies to perform tasks are that encoding becomes more organized and it is easier to remember and process information.<ref name="Bermingham, D. 2013"/> Also this device reduces the need of intentional resources at the point of retrieval, which means that recall does not need outside sources helping an individual remember what happened yesterday.<ref name="Bermingham, D. 2013"/> Cognitive strategies can leverage semantic connections that will allow the brain to process and work more efficiently than just having to process the information as whole parts. By using the strategies the information becomes related to each other and the information sticks.<ref name="Bermingham, D. 2013"/> 
Another type of device people use to help their recall memory become efficient is chunking. Chunking is the process of breaking down numbers into smaller units to remember the information or data, this helps recall numbers and math facts.<ref name="Bermingham, D. 2013"/> An example of this chunking process is a telephone number; this is chunked with three digits, three digits, then four digits. People read them off as such when reciting a phone number to another person. There has been research done about these techniques and an institution tested two groups of people to see if these types of devices work well for real people, the results came back determining a significant performance difference between the group who did not use cognitive strategies and the group who did. The group using the techniques immediately performed better than the other group and when taking a pre-test and post-test the results indicated that the group using the techniques improved while the other group did not.<ref name="Bermingham, D. 2013"/>

The Method of Loci (MOL) refers to an individual visualizing a spatial environment to improve later recall of information. Instead of merely reading a list of items, individuals mentally walk along a path, placing things that subsequently need to be remembered. This elaborate rehearsal provides the opportunity to manipulate information during the encoding process. For example, from the store, you need peanut butter, toothpaste, dog food, and laundry detergent. Instead of repeating the list, imagine yourself eating a peanut butter sandwich, afterwards walking to the bathroom to brush your teeth, then walking by your dog on the way to the laundry room. This improving recall method does not appear to be limited to merely recalling a list of items. Research demonstrated that this cognitive strategy improved student performance on assessments. Participants were divided into two groups, each receiving the same medical lectures, followed by either self-learning or using the Method of Loci. Each group was subsequently given the same assessment on the learned information and the Method of Loci group performed better, as measured by the number of correct responses.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Qureshi|first1=Ayisha|last2=Rizvi|first2=Farwa|last3=Syed|first3=Anjum|last4=Shahid|first4=Aqueel|last5=Manzoor|first5=Hana|date=June 2014|title=The method of loci as a mnemonic device to facilitate learning in endocrinology leads to improvement in student performance as measured by assessments|journal=Advances in Physiology Education|language=en|volume=38|issue=2|pages=140–144|doi=10.1152/advan.00092.2013|issn=1043-4046|pmc=4056179|pmid=25039085}}</ref>

===Tip-of-the-tongue===
{{Main|Tip of the tongue}}

A [[tip of the tongue|tip-of-the-tongue]] (TOT) state refers to the perception of a large gap between the identification or knowledge of a specific subject and being able to recall descriptors or names involving said subject. This phenomenon is also referred to as '[[tip of the tongue|presque vu]]', a French term meaning "almost seen". There are two prevalent perspectives of TOT states: the psycholinguistic perspective and the metacognitive perspective.

Psycholinguistics views TOT states as a failure of retrieval from lexical memory (see [[Cohort Model]]) being cued by [[semantic memory]] (facts). Since there is an observed increase in the frequency of TOT states with age, there are two mechanisms within psycholinguistics that could account for the TOT phenomenon. The first is the degradation of lexical networks with age, where degrading connections between the priming of knowledge and vocabulary increases difficulty of successfully retrieving a word from memory. The second suggests that the culmination of knowledge, experience, and vocabulary with age results in a similar situation where many connections between a diverse vocabulary and diverse knowledge also increases the difficulty of successful retrieval of a word from memory.<ref name="Schwartz">{{cite journal | last1 = Schwartz | first1 = B. L. | last2 = Frazier | first2 = L. D. | last3 = Otani | first3 = Hajime | last4 = Widner | first4 = Robert | year = 2005 | title = Tip-of-the-tongue states and aging : Contrasting psycholinguistic and metacognitive perspectives | journal = The Journal of General Psychology | volume = 132 | issue = 4| pages = 377–391 | doi=10.3200/genp.132.4.377-391| s2cid = 145666684 }}</ref>

The metacognitive perspective views TOT states simply as the awareness felt when such an event occurs and the perception of the experience involved. Mainly being aware of a TOT state can result in the rapid devotion of cognitive resources to resolving the state and successfully retrieving the word from memory. Such an explanation leaves much to be desired; however, the psycholinguistic perspective and the metacognitive perspective on TOT states are not mutually exclusive and both are used to observe TOT states in a laboratory setting.<ref name="Schwartz"/>

An incubation effect can be observed in TOT states, where the passage of time alone can influence the resolution of the state and result in successful recall. Also, the presence of a TOT state is a good predictor that the problem can be resolved correctly, although this has been shown to occur more frequently with older-young-adults than young-adults or seniors. This is evidence for both the metacognitive perspective as well as the psycholinguistic perspective. It demonstrates the devotion of resources to searching memory, a source of cumulative information, for the desired correct information, and it also shows that we are aware of what information we know or do not know.<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Choi | first1 = H. | last2 = Smith | first2 = S. M. | last3 = Otani | first3 = Hajime | last4 = Widner | first4 = Robert | last5 = JR | year = 2005 | title = Incubation and the resolution of tip-of-the-tongue states | journal = The Journal of General Psychology | volume = 132 | issue = 4| pages = 365–376 | doi=10.3200/genp.132.4.365-376| s2cid = 12516682 }}</ref> This is why the current debate between the psycholinguistic view of TOTs as retrieval failure and the metacognitive view of TOTs as a tool for learning continues.

Similar phenomena include [[déjà vu]] (already seen), [[jamais vu]] (never Seen), and déjà entendu (already heard).
These occur rarely and are more prevalent in patients with traumatic head injuries, and brain disorders including [[epilepsy]].

===Involuntary memory retrieval===
{{blockquote|Often, even after years, mental states once present in consciousness return to it with apparent spontaneity and without any act of the will; that is, they are reproduced involuntarily. Here, also, in the majority of cases we at once recognise the returned mental state as one that has already been experienced; that is, we remember it. Under certain conditions, however, this accompanying consciousness is lacking, and we know only indirectly that the "now" must be identical with the "then"; yet we receive in this way a no less valid proof for its existence during the intervening time. As more exact observation teaches us, the occurrence of these involuntary reproductions is not an entirely random and accidental one. On the contrary they are brought about through the instrumentality of other immediately present mental images. Moreover they occur in certain regular ways which in general terms are described under the so-called 'laws of association'.<ref>Ebbinghaus, H. (1885/1962). [http://psy.ed.asu.edu/~classics/Ebbinghaus/index.htm Memory: A contribution to experimental psychology.] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20050504104838/http://psy.ed.asu.edu/~classics/Ebbinghaus/index.htm |date=2005-05-04 }} New York: Dover.</ref>
|''Ebbinghaus, H'' (1885), <sub>as translated by Ruger & Bussenius (1913)</sub>}}

Until recently, research on this phenomenon has been relatively rare, with only two types of involuntary memory retrieval identified: involuntary [[autobiographical memory]] retrieval, and involuntary semantic memory retrieval. Both of these phenomena can be considered emergent aspects of otherwise normal and quite efficient cognitive processes.

[[File:Spreading-activation-graph-1.png|thumb|alt=alt text|A visual representation of [[spreading activation|Spreading Activation]] ]]
''Involuntary autobiographical memory'' (IAM) retrieval occurs spontaneously as the result of [[sensory cue]]s as well as internal cues, such as thought or intention. These cues influence us in our day-to-day lives by constantly and automatically activating unconscious memories through [[Priming (psychology)|priming]].<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Mace | first1 = J. H. | year = 2005 | title = Priming involuntary autobiographical memories | journal = Memory | volume = 13 | issue = 8| pages = 874–884 | doi=10.1080/09658210444000485| pmid = 16298894 | s2cid = 5608285 }}</ref> It has been demonstrated in many studies that our specific goals and intentions will most frequently result in the retrieval of related IAM, while the second most frequent IAM retrievals result from physical cues in the surrounding context. Autobiographical memories that are unrelated to any specific cues, whether internal or external, are the least frequent to occur. It has been suggested that in this case, an error in self-regulation of memory has occurred that results in an unrelated autobiographical memory reaching the conscious mind. These findings are consistent with metacognition as the third type of experience is often identified as the most salient one.<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Ball | first1 = C. T. | last2 = Little | first2 = J. C. | year = 2006 | title = A comparison of involuntary autobiographical memory retrievals | journal = [[Applied Cognitive Psychology]] | volume = 20 | issue = 9| pages = 1167–1179 | doi=10.1002/acp.1264}}</ref>

'''Involuntary semantic memory retrieval''' (ISM), or "semantic-popping", occurs in the same fashion as IAM retrieval. However, the elicited memory is devoid of personal grounding and often considered trivial, such as a random word, image, or phrase. ISM retrieval can occur as a result of [[spreading activation]], where words, thoughts, and concepts activate related semantic memories continually. When enough related memories are primed that an interrelated concept, word, thought, or image "pops" into consciousness and you are unaware of the extent of its relatedness within your memory. Spreading activation is thought to build over a period of many hours, days, or even weeks before a random semantic memory "pops".<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Kvavilashvili | first1 = L. | last2 = Mandler | first2 = G. | year = 2004 | title = Out of one's mind: A study of involuntary semantic memories | journal = Cognitive Psychology | volume = 48 | issue = 1| pages = 47–94 | doi=10.1016/s0010-0285(03)00115-4| pmid = 14654036 | hdl = 2299/1970 | s2cid = 94185 | hdl-access = free }}</ref>

===False memories===
{{Main|False memory syndrome}}

False memories result from persistent beliefs, suggestions via authority figures, or statements of false information. Repeated exposure to these stimuli influence the reorganization of a person's memory, affecting its details, or implanting vivid false accounts of an event.<ref name="Steffens">Steffens, M. C., & Mecklenbräuker, S. (2007). False memories: Phenomena, theories, and implications. Zeitschrift für Psychologie, 215(1), 12-24.</ref> This is usually accounted for by source-monitoring error, where a person can recall specific facts, but cannot correctly identify the source of that knowledge because of apparent loss of the association between the [[episodic memory|episodic]] (specific experience, or source) and [[semantic memory|semantic]] (concept-based, or gist) accounts of the stored knowledge. An example of this is [[cryptomnesia]], or inadvertent plagiarism, where one duplicates a work that they have previously encountered believing it to be their original idea.<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Defeldre | first1 = A | year = 2005 | title = Inadvertent plagiarism in everyday life | journal = Applied Cognitive Psychology | volume = 19 | issue = 8| pages = 1033–1040 | doi = 10.1002/acp.1129 }}</ref> False memories can also be accounted for by the [[generation effect]], which is an observable phenomenon where repeated exposure to a belief, suggestion, or false information is better remembered with each subsequent generation. This can be seen with the [[misinformation effect]], where an eye-witness account of an event can be influenced by a bystander account of the same event, or by suggestion via an authority figure. It is also believed to influence the recovery of repressed shocking or abusive memories in patients under hypnosis, where the recovered memory, although possibly a vivid account, could be entirely false, or have specific details influenced as the result of persistent suggestion by the therapist.<ref name="Steffens"/>

===Focal retrograde amnesia===
[[Retrograde amnesia]] is typically the result of physical or [[psychological trauma]] which manifests itself as the inability to remember information preceding the traumatic event. It is usually accompanied by some type of [[anterograde amnesia]], or inability to acquire new knowledge. '''Focal retrograde amnesia''' (FRA), sometimes known as functional amnesia, refers to the presence of retrograde amnesia while knowledge acquisition remains intact (no anterograde amnesia). Memory for how to use objects and perform skills ([[implicit memory]]) may remain intact while specific knowledge of personal events or previously learned facts ([[explicit memory]]) become inaccessible or lost.<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Kapur | first1 = N. | last2 = Ellison | first2 = D. | last3 = Smith | first3 = M. P. | last4 = McLellan | first4 = D. L. | last5 = Burrows | first5 = E. H. | year = 1992 | title = Focal retrograde amnesia following bilateral temporal lobe pathology: A neuropsychological and magnetic resonance study | journal = Brain | volume = 115 | issue = 1| pages = 73–85 | doi=10.1093/brain/115.1.73| pmid = 1559164 }}</ref><ref name="Kopelman"/> Amnesia can result from a number of different causes, including [[encephalitis]], severe [[traumatic brain injury]], [[Thiamine|vitamin B<sub>1</sub>]] deficiency as seen in [[Korsakoff's Syndrome]], and [[psychotic episodes]], or by witnessing an emotionally traumatic event ([[Dissociative amnesia]]). Dysfunction of the temporal and frontal lobes have been observed in many cases of focal retrograde amnesia, whether metabolic or the result of [[lesions]]. However, this evidence only appears to correlate with the symptoms of retrograde amnesia as cases have been observed where patients with minor concussions, showing no visible brain damage, develop FRA. It has been suggested that FRA could represent a variety of different disorders, cognitive deficits, or conditions that result in disproportionate loss of explicit memory, hence Disproportionate Retrograde Amnesia.<ref name="Kopelman">{{cite journal | last1 = Kopelman | first1 = M.D. | year = 2000 | title = Focal Retrograde Amnesia and the Attribution of Causality: An Exceptionally Critical Review | journal = Cognitive Neuropsychology | volume = 17 | issue = 7| pages = 585–621 | doi=10.1080/026432900750002172 | pmid=20945196| s2cid = 37449223 }}</ref>

===The Face Advantage===
The Face Advantage allows information and memories to be recalled easier through the presentation of a person's face rather than a person's voice.<ref name=seed>{{cite journal|last=Brédart|first=S.|author2=Barsics, C. |title=Recalling Semantic and Episodic Memory from Faces and Voices: A Face Advantage|journal=Current Directions in Psychological Science|year=2012|volume=21|issue=6|pages=378–381|doi=10.1177/0963721412454876|hdl=2268/135794 |s2cid=145337404|hdl-access=free}}</ref> Faces and voices are very similar stimuli that reveal similar information and result in similar processes of memory recall.<ref name="Speaker recognition">{{cite encyclopedia|last=Nadel|first=Lynn|title=Speaker Recognition|encyclopedia=Encyclopedia of Cognitive Science|year=2005|volume=4|pages=142–145}}</ref> During [[face perception]], there are three stages of memory recall that include recognition, followed by the remembering of [[semantic memory]] and [[episodic memory]], and finally name recall.<ref name="facial recognition">{{Cite encyclopedia|last=Mansour|first=J.K.|author2=Lindsay, R. C. |title=Facial Recognition|encyclopedia=Corsini Encyclopedia of Psychology|date=30 January 2010|pages=1–2|doi=10.1002/9780470479216.corpsy0342|isbn=9780470479216}}</ref><ref name=brucey>{{cite journal|last=Bruce|first=V.|author2=Young, A. |title=Understanding Facial Recognition|journal=British Journal of Psychology|year=1986|volume=77|issue=3|pages=305–327|doi=10.1111/j.2044-8295.1986.tb02199.x|pmid=3756376|doi-access=free}}</ref> The Face Advantage is shown through an experiment where participants are presented with faces and voices of unfamiliar faces and recognizable celebrity faces.<ref name=seed /> The stimuli are presented with a [[between-group design]]. The participants are asked to say if the face or voice is familiar. If the answer is yes, they are asked to recall semantic and episodic memories and finally the name of the face or voice.<ref name=seed /> It was much easier for those presented with a celebrity's face to recall information than for those presented with a voice. The results show that in the second stage of face perception when memories are recalled,<ref name=brucey /> information is recalled faster and more accurate after a face is perceived, and slower, less accurate and with less detail after a voice is perceived. A possible explanation is that the connections between face representations and semantic and episodic memory are stronger than that of voices.<ref name=seed /><ref name="facial recognition" />