Editing J. H. Hexter (section)

==Storm over the gentry==
{{see also|Storm over the gentry}}
This attack continued from a position he had earlier assumed, in his response in the late 1950s to a debate between [[Lawrence Stone]] and [[Hugh Trevor-Roper]].  Stone, along with [[R.H. Tawney]], explained the origins of the [[English Civil War]] by positing that an increasingly well-off and ambitious [[gentry]] had, over the course of many years, destabilized the English state in which power had traditionally been divided between the aristocracy and the king.  Trevor-Roper inverted this theory, arguing that in fact the Civil War was caused in part by court gentry who had fallen on bad times.

Hexter's contribution, puckishly titled "The Storm over the Gentry" and originally published in a popular magazine, contends that both theses are undermined by their authors' social determinism which causes them to overlook the ordinary business of the House of Commons.  Hexter maintained that the overlooked group, the rural magnates, the wealthier of the country gentry, wielded the most influence in the House of Commons and had brought no real interest in revolution.  To the contrary, their experience was in practical management and governance, and for the most part they did not act out of simple self-interest.  The Civil War needs, therefore, to be seen as the story of how such solid, service-minded and economically comfortable men were persuaded to resist the King, and not as any particular group's economically motivated power grab.

His ultimate self-definition was overtly, unabashedly, and often polemically [[whiggish]]. For Hexter, the English Civil War was to be seen as the defence of traditional English liberties against an aggressive Crown. This position contrasted in the 1970s with the [[Historical revisionism|revisionist]] views of [[Conrad Russell]] and others who disputed both the uniqueness of the English Civil War and its connection with ideas of liberty.  However, inasmuch as the revisionists were also explicitly anti-Marxist, their stance owed a great deal to Hexter's critiques.  Russell in particular echoed Hexter's emphasis on continuity in English political values, Hexter's distinction between the Civil War and the subsequent Revolution, and Hexter's belief that contingencies better explained the coming of the War, while rejecting Hexter's view that Parliament was acting out of a clear-cut sense of constitutional obligation and embracing instead the view that religious conflicts and practical problems in the composite monarchy were more decisive.

Hexter in 1978 wrote a bitter historiographical review in which he attacked younger scholars for reducing the analysis of the Civil War to an essentially amoral struggle for power (socio-economic for the Marxists; religious, political and fiscal for the revisionists), which he argued was too dismissive of the intrinsic moral strength of Parliament's position.  He thus declared his preference for the 19th-century narrative by [[Samuel Rawson Gardiner]] over the new interpretation, and, true to form, even adopted an exaggerated Whig-style argument: that one should recognize and accept the principles of the Parliamentary rebels because these ideas about freedom were the very foundation for our modern sense of political liberty.