Editing Walter Jenkins (section)

==Scandal and resignation==

===Arrest===
A month before the 1964 presidential election, on October 7, [[Metropolitan Police Department of the District of Columbia|District of Columbia Police]] arrested Jenkins in a [[YMCA]] restroom. He and another man were booked on a disorderly conduct charge,<ref>White, 367; ''Time'': [https://web.archive.org/web/20080727025024/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,876303,00.html "The Jenkins Report," October 30, 1964]. Retrieved November 15, 2010</ref> an incident described as "perhaps the most famous [[Cottaging|tearoom]] arrest in America."<ref>Laud Humphreys, ''Tearoom Trade: Impersonal Sex in Public Places'' (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1974), 19</ref> He paid a $50 fine.<ref>Perlstein, 489</ref> Rumors of the incident circulated for several days, and Republican Party operatives helped to promote it to the press.<ref>Dallek, 181</ref> Some newspapers, including the ''[[Chicago Tribune]]'' and the ''[[Cincinnati Enquirer]]'', refused to run the story.<ref>White, 367</ref> Journalists quickly learned that Jenkins had been arrested on a similar charge in 1959,<ref>Dallek, 179, 181. The FBI had reported the 1959 arrest in April 1961,</ref> which made it much harder to explain away as the result of overwork or, as one journalist wrote, "combat fatigue."<ref>Perlstein, 490. The journalist was [[William Lindsay White|William White]].</ref><ref>Edward P. Levine, "Studying the American Press: The Walter Jenkins Case." ''Journalism Quarterly'' 43.3 (1966): 493-496.</ref>

{{quote box
| quote = Perhaps the most amazing of all events of the campaign of 1964 is that the nation faced the fact fully—and shrugged its shoulders.
| source = —[[Theodore H. White]] in ''The Making of the President 1964''
| width = 300px
| align = right
| bgcolor = #EDEDED
}}

Finally, on October 14, a ''[[Washington Star]]'' editor called the White House for Jenkins' comment on a story it was preparing. Jenkins turned to White House lawyers [[Abe Fortas]], the President's personal lawyer, and [[Clark Clifford]], who unofficially was filling the role of White House Counsel. They immediately lobbied the editors of Washington's three newspapers not to run the story, which only confirmed its significance.<ref name=white368>White, 368</ref><ref>Fortas later emphasized that at the time he did not know the validity of the morals charge against Jenkins. ''The New York Times'': [https://www.nytimes.com/1965/08/06/archives/fortas-asserts-police-need-time-to-question-suspects-fortas.html "Fortas Asserts Police Need Time to Question Suspects," August 6, 1965]. Retrieved November 13, 2010</ref>  Within hours, Clifford detailed the evidence to the President and press secretary George Reedy, who while "openly weeping,"<ref>White 369</ref> confirmed the story to reporters. Probably forewarned, Johnson told Fortas that Jenkins needed to resign.

Anticipating the charge that Jenkins might have been blackmailed, Johnson immediately ordered an FBI investigation. He knew that J. Edgar Hoover would have to clear the administration of any security problem because the FBI itself would otherwise be at fault for failing to investigate Jenkins properly years before.<ref>Perlstein, 491</ref> Hoover reported on October 22 that security had not been compromised.<ref name=evans480>Evans and Novak, 480</ref><ref name="White, 369-70">White, 369-70</ref> Johnson later said: "I couldn't have been more shocked about Walter Jenkins if I'd heard that Lady Bird had tried to kill the Pope."<ref name=dallek180>Dallek, 180</ref> He also fed conspiracy theories that Jenkins had been framed. He claimed that before his arrest Jenkins had attended a cocktail party where the waiters came from the Republican National Committee, though the party was hosted by ''[[Newsweek]]'' to celebrate the opening of its new offices.<ref>White, 367. Dallek evaluates various claims that Jenkins was set up and dismisses them. Dallek, 180-1</ref> The ''Star'' printed the story and [[United Press International|UPI]] transmitted its version on October 14. Jenkins resigned the same day. Johnson immediately ordered a poll to determine the public's reaction to the affair and learned the next day that its effect on the voters was negligible.<ref name=evans480/><ref name="White, 369-70"/><ref>Thomas W. Benham, "Polling for a Presidential Candidate: Some Observations on the 1964 Campaign," in ''Public Opinion Quartery'', v. 29 (1965), 192</ref>

Johnson announced that only he would contact the press about the incident, but his wife, Lady Bird Johnson, issued her statement of support for Jenkins.<ref>{{cite book|last=Updegrove|first=Mark|title=Indomitable Will|year=2012|publisher=Random House|isbn=978-0-307-88771-9|page=86}}</ref>

===Political reactions===
The incident embarrassed the administration but had little impact on the campaign in which Johnson led his opponent by large margins. One columnist wrote on October 15, "Walter Jenkins has revived and dramatized all the harsh feelings about morals, and political cliques, and the Texas gang in Washington."<ref name=reston/> Yet the incident disappeared so quickly from the political scene that [[Theodore H. White]], surveying the 1964 election campaign, assessed its impact this way: "Perhaps the most amazing of all events of the campaign of 1964 is that the nation faced the fact fully—and shrugged its shoulders."<ref name=white368/> Jenkins' arrest was quickly overshadowed by international affairs: Soviet premier [[Nikita Khrushchev#Removal|Nikita Khrushchev was deposed]] on October 14, the British electorate [[1964 United Kingdom general election|voted Labour into power]] on October 15, and China successfully [[596 (nuclear test)|tested a nuclear weapon]] on October 16.<ref>Dallek, 181; White 371</ref>

Johnson's [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican]] opponent in the [[1964 United States presidential election|1964 presidential election]], [[Barry Goldwater]], knew Jenkins from the Senate and from serving as [[commanding officer]] of his [[Air Force Reserve Command|Air Force Reserve]] unit, but initially denied knowing him.<ref name="morality">{{cite news |work=The New York Times |url=https://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=9806EFDD1E3FEE32A25756C1A9669D946591D6CF |title=Goldwater Says Morality is Demanded by the Nation |date=October 15, 1964 |access-date=November 13, 2010}}</ref> He did not comment on the incident while campaigning. Although it fit well with the charges he had been making about the lack of morality in Johnson's administration,  those referred to [[Bobby Baker]] and [[Billie Sol Estes]].<ref>Dallek, 178; White, 369</ref> Instead, since FBI agents had just questioned him about Jenkins, he publicly asked Hoover to explain why Jenkins had not undergone a rigorous security check before joining the White House staff.<ref>''New York Times'': [https://www.nytimes.com/1964/10/20/archives/goldwater-asks-fbi-to-explain-check-on-jenkins.html E.W. Kenworthy, "Goldwater Asks F.B.I. to Explain Check on Jenkins," October 20, 1964]. Retrieved January 24, 2011</ref>

Goldwater's campaign offices distributed [[bumper stickers]] and buttons bearing slogans such as, "LBJ{{spnd}}LIGHT BULB JENKINS: NO WONDER HE TURNED THE LIGHTS OUT" and "ALL THE WAY WITH LBJ, BUT DON'T GO NEAR THE YMCA". During the remainder of the campaign Goldwater occasionally alluded to the scandal. In speeches, he referred to Johnson's "curious crew who would run the country" to the knowing amusement of his audience.<ref>Perlstein, 493</ref> At the time, observers noted the difference between the way Goldwater alluded to the scandal and the way the Republican National Committee and Goldwater's running mate, [[William E. Miller]], used it to exploit "popular fears."<ref>''New York Times'':[https://www.nytimes.com/1964/10/23/archives/washington-barry-goldwater-examples-of-morality.html James Reston, "Washington: Barry Goldwater Examples of Morality," October 23, 2010]. Retrieved November 13, 2010</ref> Goldwater later said he chose not to make the incident a campaign issue. "It was a sad time for Jenkins' wife and children, and I was not about to add to their private sorrow," he wrote in his autobiography. "Winning isn't everything. Some things, like loyalty to friends or lasting principle, are more important."

Johnson mentioned the affair in general terms while campaigning. In Pittsburgh, on October 27, he told a crowd that in government "unfortunate things" happen and people "disappoint" you. Some "make mistakes" and need to resign and there need to be impartial investigations.<ref>''New York Times'': [https://www.nytimes.com/1964/10/28/archives/johnson-refers-to-jenkins-case-says-some-make-mistakes-assails.html Charles Mohr, "Johnson Refers to Jenkins Case," October 298, 1964]. Retrieved November 13, 2010</ref>

Members of Congress called for an FBI investigation of the case, citing concerns that the FBI had been unaware of Jenkins' previous offense in the same Washington men's room in January 1959.<ref>''New York Times'': [https://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=FB0B12FD355B1B728DDDAF0994D8415B848AF1D3& Gladwin Hill, "Miller Asks Data on Jenkins Case," October 16, 1964]. Retrieved January 24, 2011; ''The New York Times'': [https://www.nytimes.com/1964/10/22/archives/miller-stresses-the-jenkins-case-in-ohio-he-asks-if-johnson-can.html Wallace Turner, ""Miller Stresses the Jenkins Case," October 22, 1964]. Retrieved January 24, 2011</ref>

===Supportive reactions===
On October 15, [[James Reston]] gave some support to Johnson by confirming that "President Eisenhower was embarrassed by a comparable morals charge against one of his first appointees of his first Administration."<ref name=reston>''New York Times'': [https://www.nytimes.com/1964/10/15/archives/news-analysis-setback-for-johnson-disclosure-of-his-aides-arrests.html James Reston, "Setback for Johnson," October 15, 1964]. Retrieved November 13, 2010</ref> On October 19, [[Drew Pearson (journalist)|Drew Pearson]] in his "Washington Merry-go-round" column recounted the 1959 events with greater detail and named [[Arthur H. Vandenberg, Jr.]] as the Eisenhower appointee who "had homosexuality problems and could not pass a security test."<ref>{{cite web|website=American University's Digital Research Archive: Drew Pearson's Washington Merry-Go-Round|url=https://auislandora.wrlc.org/islandora/object/pearson%3A47980|first=Drew|last=Pearson|title=Special Report From Washington|date=October 19, 1964}}</ref> Campaigning in San Diego on October 28, Johnson replied to a reporter's question about "sex deviates" in his administration that every administration had its scandals and mentioned that Eisenhower had faced a similar problem with his appointments secretary, thus confirming Pearson's outing of Vandenberg, whose departure from the Eisenhower administration had been blamed on his health.<ref>Michael Beschloss, ''Reaching for Glory'' (NY: Simon & Schuster, 2001), 98</ref><ref>Johnson's San Diego comment is discussed briefly at Evans and Novak, 481</ref>

On October 29, 1964, leading clergymen, including [[Francis B. Sayre, Jr.]] of [[Washington National Cathedral]], United Presbyterian Church Leader [[Eugene Carson Blake]], Methodist Bishop [[John Wesley Lord]], American Hebrew Congregations President Maurice Eisendrauth, and theologians [[Paul Tillich]] and [[Reinhold Niebuhr]], issued a letter commenting on the Jenkins affair: "We see the Jenkins episode as a case of human weakness. If there is a security factor involved, let that be dealt with on its own terms and let it not serve chiefly as an excuse for dwelling on this one episode to cater to the prurient curiosity or to the self-righteousness of part of the public."<ref>''TIME'': [https://web.archive.org/web/20111213234050/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,876371,00.html "Johnson & the Jenkins Case," November 6, 1964]. Retrieved January 18, 2011</ref>

After the election, the American Mental Health Foundation wrote a letter to Johnson protesting about the "hysteria" surrounding the case:<ref>''New York Times'': [https://www.nytimes.com/1964/10/22/archives/jemins-defended-by-mental-group.html "Jenkins Defended by Mental Group," October 22, 1964]. Retrieved November 13, 2010</ref>

{{quote|The private life and inclinations of a citizen, Government employee or not, does not necessarily have any bearing on his capacities, usefulness, and sense of responsibility in his occupation. The fact that an individual is homosexual, as has been strongly implied in the case of Mr. Jenkins, does not per se make him more unstable and more a security risk than any heterosexual person.}}

On November 17, Lady Bird visited Walter Jenkins and his wife Marjorie, who were preparing to move home to Texas. She reported in her diary that he had received "a barrage of mail" from acquaintances and the public that "seems so understanding."<ref>Lady Bird Johnson, ''A White House Diary'' (University of Texas Press, 1970), 204</ref> Washington columnist [[Joseph Alsop]], like Jenkins a closeted homosexual, wrote publicly in support of Jenkins and sent him a letter of support as well.<ref>C. David Heymann, ''The Georgetown Ladies' Social Club: Power, Passion, and Politics in the Nation's Capitol'' (NY: Atria Books, 2003) 47</ref>

===Effect on Johnson administration===
Johnson appointed Bill Moyers to succeed Walter Jenkins.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://gateway.okhistory.org/ark:/67531/metadc1490124/m1/1/zoom/?q=%22bobby%20baker%22&resolution=4.479486416187055&lat=1203.9092125377083&lon=2385.3609416606832 |title=Public Disclosure of 'Jenkins Episode' Asked by GOP Official |access-date=26 February 2020 |agency=UPI |issue=38 |publisher=Sapulpa Daily Herald |date=15 October 1964}}</ref>

Johnson's [[White House Press Secretary]] [[George Reedy]] told an interviewer: "A great deal of the president's difficulties can be traced to the fact that Walter had to leave. ...  All of history might have been different if it hadn't been for that episode." Former [[United States Attorney General|Attorney General]] [[Ramsey Clark]] said that Jenkins' resignation "deprived the president of the single most effective and trusted aide that he had. The results would be enormous when the president came into his hard times. Walter's counsel on [[Vietnam War|Vietnam]] might have been extremely helpful."<ref name="LBJ's Gay Sex Scandal"/>