Editing Appeal to emotion (section)

==Influence of emotion on persuasion==
===Negative emotions===
====Fear and anxiety====
The only widely studied emotion, with respect to persuasion, is [[fear]]. Fear has been found to force individuals "to break from routine and pay close attention to the external world," including persuasive messages. Moreover, fear has been found to encourage political engagement:
::"people are demonstrably more likely to engage in the political realm when they are anxious about the candidates. Uneasiness about the available political choices leads people to pay closer attention to the political environment. [...] people learn more about the candidates (that is they acquire new and accurate knowledge) when they are anxious but not when they are enthusiastic about those candidates who dominate the political field."<ref>George Marcus, Russell Neuman and Michael Mackuen, ''Affective Intelligence and Political Judgment'', University of Chicago Press, 2000, p. 128.</ref>

More generally, "fear is associated with both attitude and behavior change."<ref name=Nabi292>Robin L. Nabi, "Discrete Emotions and Persuasion," in "Persuasion and the Structure of Affect", ''The Persuasion Handbook'', Sage Publishing, p. 292.</ref> However, "four variables that may interact to influence processing depth of a fear-inducing message: (a) type of fear (chronic vs. acute), (b) expectation of a message containing reassuring information, (c) type of behavior advocated (e.g., disease detection vs. health promotion), and (d) issue familiarity."<ref name=Nabi292/>

====Guilt====
[[Guilt (emotion)|Guilt]] is the emotion that is experienced when an individual violates an internalized moral, ethical or religious belief. Guilt's effect on persuasion has been studied only cursorily. Not unlike fear appeals, the literature suggests that guilt can enhance attainment of persuasive goals if evoked to a moderate degree.<ref name=Nabi292/> However, messages designed to evoke excessive levels of guilt may instead arouse anger that may impede persuasive success.<ref name=Nabi292/>

====Anger====
[[Anger]]'s effect on persuasion has also seldom been studied. A couple of studies, however, "suggest that a positive relationship exists between anger and attitude change".<ref name=Nabi293/> Specifically, researchers found that "anger evoked in response to issues of juvenile crime and domestic terrorism correlated with acceptance of legislative initiatives proposed to address those issues".<ref name=Nabi293>Robin L. Nabi, "Discrete Emotions and Persuasion," in "Persuasion and the Structure of Affect", ''The Persuasion Handbook'', Sage Publishing, p. 293.</ref> Not unlike fear, anger was associated with close (central) information processing including of persuasive messages.<ref name=Nabi293/> However, "unintentionally induced anger in response to supposed guilt and fear appeals has been shown to correlate negatively with attitudes".<ref name=Nabi293/> The persuasive uses of anger have also been studied in political campaigns, since anger can be evoked strategically by politicians to increase the motivation and engagement of their sympathizers, although the historian [[Nicole Hemmer]] has noted that the potential for an American candidate to use anger effectively is contingent on their identity.<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.cnn.com/2020/03/07/opinions/biden-sanders-trump-anger-in-2020-hemmer/index.html |title=Only one kind of anger counts in the 2020 race |work=[[CNN]] |first=Nicole |last=Hemmer |date=7 March 2020 |access-date=18 July 2020}}</ref>

====Sadness====
[[Sadness]] arousal has been associated with attitude change in the context of [[AIDS]], [[illicit drugs]], and [[juvenile crime]].<ref name=Nabi294>Robin L. Nabi, "Discrete Emotions and Persuasion," in "Persuasion and the Structure of Affect", ''The Persuasion Handbook'', Sage Publishing, p. 294.</ref>

====Disgust====
[[Disgust]], in the context of messages opposing animal experimentation, is correlated negatively with attitude change. This is consistent with the idea that disgust results in a rejection of its source.<ref name=Nabi294/>

===Positive emotions===
====Empathy and compassion====
A number of recent studies support the role of [[compassion]] in skewing moral judgment. The researchers' findings show there is a major relationship between moral judgment and [[empathic]] concern in particular, specifically feelings of warmth and compassion in response to someone in distress.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.bc.edu/content/bc/offices/pubaf/news/2013-may-jun/empathy-a-key-factor-in-moral-judgment.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140625002413/http://www.bc.edu/content/bc/offices/pubaf/news/2013-may-jun/empathy-a-key-factor-in-moral-judgment.html |archive-date=2014-06-25 |title=Empathy a Key Factor in Moral Judgment }} citing {{cite journal|pmc=3617220 |date=2013 |last1=Gleichgerrcht |first1=E. |last2=Young |first2=L. |title=Low Levels of Empathic Concern Predict Utilitarian Moral Judgment |journal=PLOS ONE |volume=8 |issue=4 |pages=e60418 |doi=10.1371/journal.pone.0060418 |doi-access=free |pmid=23593213 |bibcode=2013PLoSO...860418G }}</ref>

Images of suffering children are the ideal triggers of this instinctive compassion.<ref>[(Psychol. Bull. 2010, supra, at 15–16. In fact, we will favor those we see as being in distress even to the detriment of more numerous but faceless potential victims. See also http://www.wjh.harvard.edu/~jgreene/GreeneWJH/Greene-CogNeuroIV-09.pdf.) ]</ref>

Once triggered, compassion causes individuals to favor the few they see suffering over the many who they know to be suffering but in the abstract: "People who feel similar to another person in need have been shown to experience more empathic compassion for that person than do those not manipulated to feel similar to another."<ref>Margaret S. Clark and Ian Brissette, "Relationship beliefs and emotion: Reciprocal effects," in ''Emotions and Beliefs'', N. Frijda, A. Manstead and S. Bem, ed., Cambridge University Press, 2000, p. 220.</ref>

[[Dan Ariely]] notes that appeals that, through visual cues or otherwise, make us focus on specific, individual victims affect our attitudes and cause us to take action whereas, "when many people are involved, we don't. A cold calculation does not increase our concern for large problems; instead, it suppresses our compassion."<ref>[[Dan Ariely]], "The Irrational Bundle". iBooks. {{cite web|url=https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewBook?id%3D8DB18687999E298EAC132BD5282F9003 |title=Archived copy |website=[[iTunes]] |access-date=2014-11-28 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141230081937/https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewBook?id=8DB18687999E298EAC132BD5282F9003 |archive-date=2014-12-30 }} [[Dan Ariely]]. "The Irrational Bundle", p. 755</ref>

::"In many ways, it is very sad that the only effective way to get people to respond to suffering is through an emotional appeal, rather than through an objective reading of massive need. The upside is that when our emotions are awakened, we can be tremendously caring. Once we attach an individual face to suffering, we're much more willing to help, and we go far beyond what economists would expect from rational, selfish, maximizing agents."<ref>[[Dan Ariely]], "The Irrational Bundle". iBooks. {{cite web|url=https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewBook?id%3D8DB18687999E298EAC132BD5282F9003 |title=Archived copy |website=[[iTunes]] |access-date=2014-11-28 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141230081937/https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewBook?id=8DB18687999E298EAC132BD5282F9003 |archive-date=2014-12-30 }} [[Dan Ariely]]. "The Irrational Bundle", p. 764</ref> Empathy also influences our prosocial behaviors. Prosocial behaviors are actions that are concerned with helping others. For example, people are much more likely to donate money to find a cure for a disease when they know someone personally who has that illness. The empathy and compassion that we feel towards that person is what encourages us to donate. <ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Cameron |first1=C. Daryl |last2=Conway |first2=Paul |last3=Scheffer |first3=Julian A. |date=2022-04-01 |title=Empathy regulation, prosociality, and moral judgment |url=https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2352250X21001809 |journal=Current Opinion in Psychology |language=en |volume=44 |pages=188–195 |doi=10.1016/j.copsyc.2021.09.011 |pmid=34695643 |s2cid=239889334 |issn=2352-250X|url-access=subscription }}</ref>  An empathy study was conducted by Fowler, Law, and Gaesser. The goal of this study was to determine how the empathy we feel varies throughout different people in our lives. Participants were asked to make a list of one hundred people. The people at the top of the list were parents, family, loved ones, etc. Towards the bottom of the list were strangers. Participants were then asked to imagine these people in various scenarios and describe the degree of empathy that they had towards each person. Results showed that the closer a person was the more empathy they felt, and for those at the bottom of the list there was not much empathy felt in comparison. <ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Fowler |first1=Zoe |last2=Law |first2=Kyle Fiore |last3=Gaesser |first3=Brendan |date=2020-02-25 |title=Against Empathy Bias: The Moral Value of Equitable Empathy |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.31219/osf.io/uxnre |access-date=2022-11-19 |doi=10.31219/osf.io/uxnre }}</ref>

====Pride====
"Little studied in the social influence context, the one clearly identifiable study of [[pride]] and persuasion considered the role of culture in response to [[advertising]], finding that members of a collectivist culture (China) responded more favorably to a pride-based appeal, whereas members of an individualist culture (the United States) responded more favorably to an empathy-based appeal."<ref>Robin L. Nabi, "Discrete Emotions and Persuasion," in ''Persuasion and the Structure of Affect'', The Persuasion Handbook, Sage Publishing, p. 296.</ref>

====Relief====
Some researchers have argued that anxiety which is followed by relief results in greater compliance to a request than fear, because the relief causes a temporary state of disorientation, leaving individuals vulnerable to suggestion.<ref name=Nabi297>Robin L. Nabi, "Discrete Emotions and Persuasion," in "Persuasion and the Structure of Affect", The Persuasion Handbook, Sage Publishing, p. 297.</ref> The suggestion is that relief-based persuasion is a function of less careful information processing.

====Hope====
Experiments have shown that appeals to [[hope]] are successful mainly with subjects who self-report as being predisposed to experiencing fear.<ref name=Nabi297/> While hope is often seen and understood as an abstract concept, Adrienne Martin proves otherwise in their book How We Hope. In this book it is explained how hope is a two-part emotion. First, we feel hope, then we experience it. For example, when we have a desired goal, we hope that we can reach it, but that hope is what motivates us as individuals to work towards that goal. Hope also changes how we perceive others. Martin explains how once we can relate to someone, we are then feeling some degree  of hope for them: hope for success, change or growth. <ref>{{Citation |last=Martin |first=Adrienne M. |title=What Is Hope? |date=2013-12-22 |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691151526.003.0001 |work=How We Hope |publisher=Princeton University Press |doi=10.23943/princeton/9780691151526.003.0001 |isbn=9780691151526 |access-date=2022-11-19|url-access=subscription }}</ref>