Editing Workers' Opposition (section)

===Trade-union debate===
{{main|Trade-union debate (Russia)}}
[[File:Lutovinov YuKh.jpg|thumb|[[Yury Lutovinov]], secretary of the [[All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions|VTsSPS]], a key founding member of the Workers’ Opposition]]

====Start of the debate====
The "trade-union debate" marked the rise of the "workers' opposition." Relying on the provisions contained in the party program adopted at the [[8th Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks)]] in 1919 - primarily on the part that “trade unions should come to the total concentration of control over the entire national economy" - Shlyapnikov criticized the central committee with his like-minded comrades for “militaristic methods” of working with trade unions, specifically because during the [[Russian Civil War]], unions were massively deprived of independence and absorbed by the government of the [[RSFSR]].<ref name="Sandu"/>

According to [[Aleksei Semyonovich Kiselyov]], serious disagreements with the party leadership among the trade union leaders emerged at the beginning of 1920: he saw them as the main reason for the transition to a policy of [[War communism|militarization of labor]]. At that time, the majority of trade unions believed that the prospect of the end of active hostilities required, if not a change in policy guidelines, then at least a shift in emphasis in the organization of labor - a transition to economic incentives. In particular, they advocated the improvement of the food situation of the proletariat and the development of "amateur activity" of workers within the framework of trade union organizations. Moreover, the party leadership proceeded from the assumption that in the prevailing conditions at the time of the end of the long war, reliance on conventional methods of industrial management would not be able to prevent the final collapse of the Soviet economy: they believed that emergency measures, including military ones, were necessary.<ref name="Sandu"/>

====Positions of the parties====
Questions about trade unions became key at meetings of the [[All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions]] on March 8, 10 and 15, 1920. According to Kiselyov, by that time in the leading circles of trade union leaders, three political groups could be identified. The first could be attributed to [[David Riazanov]] and [[Mikhail Tomsky]], who believed that trade unions should withdraw from economic affairs and deal primarily with the organization of labor. The second group included those workers who advocated the “merging” of trade unions with the state apparatus. And the third group consisted of Shlyapnikov's supporters, who believed that trade unions should become the sole responsible organizations in the field of the national economy of the RSFSR. Thus, already in the spring of 1920, a heated discussion about trade unions began in Soviet Russia: it became open only in late 1920 - early 1921. At that time, a five-member “trade union commission” was created for the central committees, the tasks of which included both studying and verifying the practical experience of the trade unions, and developing abstracts that would express the Central Committee's point of view on this issue. However, [[Alexander Shlyapnikov]], [[Yury Lutovinov]] and [[Leon Trotsky]], initially included in this commission, refused to participate in it - which only aggravated the differences. Under these conditions, on December 24, the Plenum of the Central Committee decided to open a broad discussion on the question of trade unions.<ref name="Sandu"/>

On December 30, 1920, leaders of intra-party groups spoke at an expanded meeting of the communist faction of the [[All-Russian Congress of Soviets#Eighth Congress|8th All-Russian Congress of Soviets]] and [[All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions]], where they outlined their political platforms. The controversy unfolding at the meeting was accompanied by mutual accusations and almost immediately "acquired a bad character." From the beginning of January of the following year, party organizations joined in the discussion of issues: in particular, on January 3, at a meeting of the party's active in Petrograd, an “Appeal to the Party” was adopted, expressing full support for the Lenin-Zinoviev group, and Trotsky was accused of trying to split the party and professional movement, "in the desire to eliminate unions". At the same time, the resolution proposed to send representatives to the [[10th Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks)]] in proportion to the number of votes cast in support of each group. In addition, a desire was expressed to send agitators to the province who were obliged to provide propaganda and organizational assistance to local supporters of the Leninist group.<ref name="Sandu"/>

==== Support for the “Workers' Opposition” Platform====
Almost from the very beginning, the discussion on trade unions went beyond the usual discussion of the theses of various fractions - and "turned into a kind of formal revealing of party opinion." The question of the future of trade unions was brought up for discussion in district committees and district meetings of the Bolsheviks: usually, after reports of representatives of various platforms, voting was held at meetings. On the whole, the majority of Soviet communists supported the Leninist position; in particular, on January 17, 1921, eight platforms were put to a vote at a meeting of the party's Moscow committee: 76 people voted for Lenin's wording, 27 for Trotsky's ideas, 4 for the theses of the “workers' opposition”, 11 for the [[Group of Democratic Centralism]] (who wanted more Soviet autonomy), 25 for the group of Ignatians, and the remaining platforms received less than two votes. On January 25, in the Tula party organization - where Trotsky, Zinoviev and Shlyapnikov acted as rapporteurs - 582 people voted for Lenin-Zinoviev's resolution, 272 for Trotsky's and 16 delegates for Shlyapnikov's. The Petrograd party organization also supported the Leninist "Platform 10" and it gradually became apparent that the struggle in the capital was waged between the groups of Lenin—Zinoviev and Trotsky.<ref name="Sandu"/>

A more "motley" picture was observed at the county and district meetings: on January 27, in the second Zamoskvoretsky district, 59 votes were cast for "platform 10", 10 for the theses of the "workers' opposition", and seven people supported the Trotskyists; in another district of Moscow - Baumansky - in the central area, 43 people voted for Lenin's thesis, 7 for the "workers' opposition", and 4 people for Trotsky's principles. The trade unions themselves did not go around the discussion: in particular, at the congress of miners in Moscow, the platform of the "workers' opposition" gathered 61 votes in support, the "platform 10" - 137, and only eight people supported Trotsky's theses.<ref name="Sandu"/>

At the Moscow Provincial Party Conference, held on February 19, 1921, and attended by more than three hundred delegates, there was a scandal: E. N. Ignatov declared support for the platform of the “workers' opposition”, which “caused great concern” among the conference members, since until the last day Ignatov's group supported “platform 10”. The subsequent vote ended with the following result: “platform 10” received 217 votes, Trotsky's theses - 52, the platform of “workers' opposition” - 45, and the principles of “democratic centralism” - 13 votes. In the central committee of metalworkers, the “workers' opposition” generally took first place: they were given eleven out of twenty votes.<ref name="Sandu"/><ref name="Smele"/>

====10th Congress====
{{main|10th Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks)}}
At the final stage of the "trade-union debate" of the Soviet Communists, to a large extent, the fate of the trade unions was no longer a cause for concern - the question of which fraction would win the upcoming [[10th Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks)]] became more important. As a result, the struggle of the factions escalated into a battle for leadership in the party - which significantly affected the course of the discussion.<ref name="Sandu"/> In the event, the congress passed a secret resolution "On Party Unity" which [[Ban on factions in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union|banned factions within the party]] and ordered the immediate dissolution of the groups that had been previously formed.<ref>[https://www.marxists.org/history/ussr/government/party-congress/10th/16.htm On Party Unity] 16 March 1921; Soviet History Archive (marxists.org) 2002</ref> The resolution put an end to the aspirations of the Workers' Opposition and the Democratic Centralists.

Another secret resolution specially aimed at the Workers' Opposition was also passed condemning 'the syndicalist and anarchist deviation in our party', which "made further advocacy of the basic tenets of the Workers' Opposition's programme impossible". Yet the Congress shared some of its peripheral proposals, including conducting a purge of the Party and organizing better supply of workers, to improve workers' living conditions, and three of its leaders were elected to the Party Central Committee: Shlyapnikov as a full voting member, Medvedev and [[Aleksei Semyonovich Kiselyov|Kiselyov]] as candidate members.<ref>Allen (''Alexander Shlyapnikov''), p. 187.</ref>  Nevertheless, Party leaders subsequently undertook a campaign to subordinate trade unions to the Party and to harass and intimidate those who opposed this campaign.