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==Outside the United Kingdom== In his 1859 essay ''[[A Few Words on Non-Intervention]]'', [[John Stuart Mill]] notes that England "finds itself, in respect of its foreign policy, held up to obloquy as the type of egoism and selfishness; as a nation which thinks of nothing but of out-witting and out-generalling its neighbours" and urges his fellow countrymen against "the mania of professing to act from meaner motives than those by which we are really actuated".<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/mill-the-collected-works-of-john-stuart-mill-volume-xxi-essays-on-equality-law-and-education|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131029224207/http://oll.libertyfund.org/?option=com_staticxt&staticfile=show.php%3Ftitle%3D255&chapter=21666&layout=html&Itemid=27|url-status=dead|title=The Collected Works of John Stuart Mill, Volume XXI - Essays on Equality, Law, and Education (Subjection of Women) - Online Library of Liberty|archive-date=29 October 2013|website=oll.libertyfund.org}}</ref> ===Australia and New Zealand=== {{further|Australia–United Kingdom relations|New Zealand–United Kingdom relations}} "[[Alternative names for the British#Pommy|Pommy]]" or "Pom" (acronym for 'Prisoner of [her] Majesty) is a common [[Australasia]]n and [[South Africa]]n slang word for the English, often combined with "whing[e]ing" (complaining) to make the expression "whingeing Pom" – an English immigrant who [[stereotype |stereotypically]] complains about everything.<ref>{{Cite web|title=World Wide Words: Pom|url=http://www.worldwidewords.org/qa/qa-pom1.htm|url-status=dead|archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20010406072356/http://www.worldwidewords.org/qa/qa-pom1.htm |archive-date=6 April 2001|website=World Wide Words}}</ref> Although the term is sometimes applied to British immigrants generally, it is usually applied specifically to the English, by both [[Australia]]ns and [[New Zealand]]ers.<ref>{{Cite book |last= Partridge|first=Eric|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=tvRp1whVFUsC&q=pommy+english&pg=PA906|title=A Dictionary of Slang and Unconventional English: Colloquialisms and Catch Phrases, Fossilised Jokes and Puns, General Nicknames, Vulgarisms and Such Americanisms as Have Been Naturalised|date=25 November 2002|publisher=Routledge|isbn=9780415291897|via=Google Books}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|last=Malone|first=Barbara|title=Emigrate New Zealand" The Ping Pong Poms :: Immigrate New Zealand :: New Zealand Immigration|url=http://www.emigratenz.co.uk/emigrate-new-zealand/the-ping-pong-poms/|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130815041221/http://www.emigratenz.co.uk/emigrate-new-zealand/the-ping-pong-poms/|archive-date=15 August 2013}}</ref> From the 19th century, there were feelings among established Australians that many immigrants from England were poorly skilled, unwanted by their home country and unappreciative of the benefits of their new country.<ref>{{Cite book|last1=Jupp|first1=James|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=n63TaXC5TpEC&q=english+poms+in+australia&pg=PA196|title=The English in Australia|date=11 May 2004|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn= 9780521542951 |via= Google Books}}</ref> In recent years, complaints about two newspaper articles blaming English tourists for littering a local beach and calling the English "Filthy Poms" in the headlines and "Poms fill the summer of our discontent", were accepted as complaints and settled through conciliation by the [[Australian Human Rights Commission]] when the newspapers published apologies. Letters and articles which referred to English people as "Poms" or "Pommies" did not meet the threshold for racial hatred.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Guide to the Racial Hatred Act | Australian Human Rights Commission|url=https://www.humanrights.gov.au/our-work/race-discrimination/publications/guide-racial-hatred-act|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121014125417/http://www.hreoc.gov.au/racial_discrimination/racial_hatred_act/index.html|archive-date=14 October 2012|website=www.humanrights.gov.au}}</ref> In 2007 a complaint to Australia's Advertising Standards Bureau about a [[television commercial]] using the term "Pom" was upheld and the commercial was withdrawn.<ref>{{cite news|last=Lagan|first=Bernard|date=26 January 2007|title=Poms Whinge so Hard that Beer Ad is Pulled|work=[[The Times]]|location=London|url=http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/article1296165.ece|access-date=20 July 2008|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100601235939/http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/article1296165.ece|archive-date=1 June 2010}}</ref> ===France=== {{further|France–United Kingdom relations}} [[File:William Hogarth - O the Roast Beef of Old England ('The Gate of Calais') - Google Art Project.jpg|thumb|right|"[[roast beef|Roastbeef]]" (or "''rosbif''") is a long-standing Anglophobe French slang term to designate the English or British people. Its origins lies in [[William Hogarth]]'s [[francophobia|francophobic]] painting ''[[The Gate of Calais]] or O! The Roast Beef of Old England'', in which the "roastbeef" allegory is used as a mockery. Its popular use includes films, television shows and sketch comedies.]] After the [[Norman Conquest]] of 1066, [[Anglo-Norman language|Anglo-Norman French]] replaced [[Old English]] as the official language of England. In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the [[House of Plantagenet|Plantagenet]] kings of England lost most of their possessions in [[France]], began to consider England to be their primary domain and turned to the English language. King [[Edward I of England|Edward I]], when issuing writs for summoning parliament in 1295, claimed that the [[Philip IV of France|King of France]] planned to invade England and extinguish the English language, "a truly detestable plan which may God avert".<ref>Adrian Hastings, ''The Construction of Nationhood. Ethnicity, Religion and Nationalism'' ([[Cambridge University Press]], 1997), p. 45.</ref><ref>"[Rex Franciae] ''linguam anglicam, si conceptae iniquitatis proposito detestabili potestas correspondeat, quod Deus avertat, omnino de terra delere proponit''." William Stubbs, ''Select Charters'' (Oxford: [[Clarendon Press]], 1946), p. 480.</ref> In 1346, [[Edward III of England|Edward III]] exhibited in Parliament a [[Ordinance of Normandy|forged ordinance]], in which [[Philip VI of France]] would have called for the destruction of the English nation and country. The [[Hundred Years' War]] (1337–1453) between England and France changed societies on both sides of the [[English Channel|Channel]]. The English and French were engaged in numerous wars in the following centuries. England's conflict with Scotland provided France with an opportunity to destabilise England and there was a firm friendship (known as the [[Auld Alliance]]) between France and Scotland from the late-thirteenth century to the mid-sixteenth century. The alliance eventually foundered because of growing [[Protestantism]] in Scotland. Opposition to Protestantism became a major feature of later French Anglophobia (and conversely, fear of [[Catholicism]] was a hallmark of [[Francophobia]]). [[France–United Kingdom relations|Antipathy]] and intermittent hostilities between France and Britain, as distinct from England, continued during later centuries. === Ireland === {{further|Ireland–United Kingdom relations}} There is a long tradition of Anglophobia within [[Irish nationalism]]. Much of this was grounded in the hostility felt by the largely Catholic Irish for the [[Anglo-Irish]] people, which was mainly [[Anglican]]. In Ireland before the [[Great Famine (Ireland)|Great Famine]], anti-English hostility was deep-seated and was manifested in increased anti-English hostility organised by [[Society of United Irishmen|United Irishmen]].<ref>{{cite book |last1=Jackson |first1=Alvin |year=1999 |title=Ireland 1798-1998: War, Peace and Beyond |location=Oxford |publisher=Blackwell |page=85}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=White |first1=Robert William |year=2006 |title=Ruairí Ó Brádaigh: The Life and Politics of an Irish Revolutionary |location=Bloomington, IN |publisher=Indiana University Press |page=1}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Biagini |first1=Eugenio R. |year=2007 |title=British Democracy and Irish Nationalism, 1876–1906 |location=Cambridge |publisher=Cambridge University Press |page=31}}</ref> In post-famine Ireland, anti-English hostility was adopted into the philosophy and foundation of the Irish nationalist movement. At the turn of the 20th century, the [[Celtic Revival]] movement associated the search for a cultural and national identity with an increasing anti-colonial and anti-English sentiment.<ref>Seán Farrell Moran, ''Patrick Pearse and the Politics of Redemption: The Mind of the Easter Rising, 1916'', p.54</ref> Anti-English themes manifested in national organisations seen as promoting native Irish values, with the emergence of groups like [[Sinn Féin]].{{citation needed|date=October 2019}} One popular nationalist slogan was "[[England's difficulty is Ireland's opportunity]]" and the well-known anti-World-War-I song "[[Who is Ireland's Enemy?]]" used past events to conclude that it was England, and furthermore that Irish people ought to "pay those devils back".<ref name="Marta">{{cite book|last1=Ramón |first1=Marta |year=2007 |title=A Provisional Dictator: James Stephens and the Fenian Movement |location=Dublin |publisher=University College Dublin Press |isbn=9781904558644 |page=103 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Kennedy |first1=Christopher M. |date=2010 |title=Genesis of the Rising, 1912-1916: A Transformation of Nationalist Opinion |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_xeSuTqlkhQC&q=%22Who+is+Ireland%27s+enemy%22&pg=PA99 |location=New York |publisher=Peter Lang |isbn=9781433105005 |page=99 |language=en}}</ref> The [[Gaelic Athletic Association]] (GAA) was founded in 1884 as a counter-measure against the Anglo-Irish Athletic Association, which promoted and supervised British sports such as English [[Association football|football]] in Ireland. The GAA was founded in the anti-English ideas of [[Thomas Croke]], Archbishop of [[Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Cashel and Emly|Cashel and Emly]].<ref>{{cite book |last1=Lyons |first1=F.S.L |year=1971 |title=Ireland Since the Famine: An Incomparable Survey of Modern Irish History |location=London |publisher=Fontana Press |pages=226–227}}</ref> From 1886 to 1971 the GAA focused national pride into distinctly non-English activities.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Tanner |first1=Marcus |year=2004 |title=The Last of the Celts |location=New Haven, CT |publisher=Yale University Press |page=104}}</ref> Members were forbidden to belong to organisations that played "English" games and the organisation countered the Anglicisation in Irish society.<ref>Joseph V. O'Brien, ''Dear, Dirty Dublin: A City in Distress, 1899-1916'', p.244</ref><ref>Seán Farrell Moran, ''Patrick Pearse and the Politics of Redemption: The Mind of the Easter Rising, 1916'', p.55</ref><ref>''The G.A.A.: A History of the Gaelic Athletic Association'', pp.65-66. Dublin: Cumann Luthchleas Geal, 1980</ref> With the development in Ireland of Irish games and the arts, the Celtic revivalists and nationalists identified characteristics of what they defined as the "Irish Race". A nationalistic identity developed, as the opposite of the Anglo-Saxons and untainted by the [[Anglo-Irish]].<ref>{{cite book |last1=Moran |first1=Seán Farrell |year=1994 |title=Patrick Pearse and the Politics of Redemption: The Mind of the Easter Rising, 1916 |location=Washington, DC |publisher=The Catholic University of America Press |pages=58–59}}</ref> A sense of national identity and Irish distinctiveness as well as an anti-English assertiveness was reinforced to Catholics by teachers in [[hedge school]]s.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Boyce |first1=D. George |author1-link=D. G. Boyce |last2=O'Day |first2=Alan |year=2001 |title=Defenders of the Union: A Survey of British and Irish Unionism Since 1801 |location=London |publisher=Routledge |page=61}}</ref> A feeling of anti-English sentiment intensified within Irish nationalism during the [[Military history of South Africa#Boer Wars|Boer Wars]], leading to xenophobia underlined by Anglophobia.<ref>{{cite book |last1=McCracken |first1=Donal P. |year=2003 |title=Forgotten Protest: Ireland and the Anglo-Boer War |location=Belfast |publisher=Ulster Historical Foundation |page=16}}</ref> Two units of [[Irish commandos]] fought with the [[Boer]] against British forces during the [[Second Boer War]] (1899–1902). J. Donnolly, a member of the brigade, wrote to the editor of the ''Irish News'' in 1901: <blockquote>It was not for the love of the Boer we were fighting; it was for the hatred of the English. (J. Donnolly letter to the ''Irish News'', 1901)<ref>{{cite book |last1=McCracken |first1=Donal P. |year=2003 |title=Forgotten Protest: Ireland and the Anglo-Boer War |location=Belfast |publisher=Ulster Historical Foundation |page=19}}</ref></blockquote> The pro-Boer movement gained widespread support in Ireland, and over 20,000 supporters demonstrated in [[Dublin]] in 1899 where Irish nationalism, anti-English and pro-Boer attitudes were one and the same. There was a pro-Boer movement in England as well but the English pro-Boer movement was not based on anti-English sentiments. These opposing views and animosity led the English and Irish pro-Boer groups to maintain a distance from one another.<ref>{{cite book |last1=McCracken |first1=Donal P. |year=2003 |title=Forgotten Protest: Ireland and the Anglo-Boer War |location=Belfast |publisher=Ulster Historical Foundation |page=20}}</ref> Despite this, far more Irishmen joined various Irish Regiments of the British Army during this time, more so than pro-Boer commandos. The [[W. B. Yeats]] play ''[[The Countess Cathleen]]'', written in 1892, has anti-English overtones comparing the English gentry to demons who come for Irish souls.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Delmer |first1=Frederick Sefton |author-link=Frederick Sefton Delmer |year=1911 |title=English Literature from "Beowulf" to Bernard Shaw |location=Berlin |publisher=Weldmann |page=13}}</ref> Films set during the [[Irish War of Independence]], such as ''[[The Informer (1935 film)|The Informer]]'' (1935) and the ''[[The Plough and the Stars (film)|Plough and the Stars]]'' (1936), were criticised by the [[British Board of Film Classification|BBFC]] for the director [[John Ford]]'s anti-English content and in recent years, ''[[Michael Collins (film)|Michael Collins]]'' and ''[[The Wind That Shakes the Barley (film)|The Wind That Shakes the Barley]]'' (despite being a joint British-Irish production) have led to accusations of Anglophobia in the British press. In 2006, [[Antony Booth]], the father-in-law of [[Tony Blair]], claimed he was the victim of anti-English vandalism and discrimination while living in [[County Cavan]], Ireland, with his wife.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Robertson |first1=James C. |year=2016 |title=The British Board of Film Censors: Film Censorship in Britain, 1896–1950 |location=London |publisher=Routledge |page=88}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=Michael Collins Films Stirs Controversy |url=http://www.btinternet.com/~sc.i/mc_controversy.htm|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121023075905/http://www.btinternet.com/~sc.i/mc_controversy.htm |archive-date=23 October 2012}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last1=Roberts |first1=Andrew |date=14 June 2000 |title=Hollywood's racist lies about Britain and the British |url=http://www.btinternet.com/~sc.i/hollywoods_racist.htm |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121023075940/http://www.btinternet.com/~sc.i/hollywoods_racist.htm |archive-date=23 October 2012 |website=The Daily Express |access-date=18 September 2022}}</ref><ref name="Luckhurst">{{cite web |last1=Luckhurst |first1=Tim |date=31 May 2006 |title=Director in a class of his own |url=https://www.thetimes.com/travel/destinations/asia-travel/china/director-in-a-class-of-his-own-sf2ft9jbqgb |website=[[The Times]] |language=en-GB |access-date=September 18, 2022}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last1=Peterkin |first1=Tom |date=18 August 2006 |title='Anti-English bias' ends Booth's Irish idyll |url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/1526694/Anti-English-bias-ends-Booths-Irish-idyll.html |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140216012505/http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/1526694/Anti-English-bias-ends-Booths-Irish-idyll.html |archive-date=16 February 2014 |website=The Telegraph |access-date=18 September 2022}}</ref> In August 2008 an English pipe fitter based in Dublin was awarded €20,000 for the racial abuse and discrimination he received at his workplace.<ref>{{cite news |date=12 August 2008 |title=Englishman wins Irish race case |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/7555589.stm |website=BBC News |url-status=live |access-date=12 December 2008 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081010220411/http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/7555589.stm |archive-date=10 October 2008}}</ref> In 2011, tensions and anti-English or anti-British feelings flared in relation to the proposed visit of [[Elizabeth II|Queen Elizabeth II]], the first [[Monarchy of the United Kingdom|British monarch]] to visit Ireland in 100 years. The invitation by the [[President of Ireland]], [[Mary McAleese]], and the [[Irish government]], was hailed by the Irish press as a historic visit but was criticised by [[Sinn Féin]] President [[Gerry Adams]].<ref name="guardian.co.uk2">{{cite news |last=McDonald |first=Henry |date=23 June 2010 |title=Queen to visit Irish Republic by end of next year |url=https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2010/jun/23/queen-to-visit-irish-republic |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100626222047/http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2010/jun/23/queen-to-visit-irish-republic |archive-date=26 June 2010 |work=The Guardian |location=London |access-date=18 September 2022}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|date=5 March 2011|title=Sinn Fein's Gerry Adams slams Queen Elizabeth's upcoming visit to Ireland|url=http://www.irishcentral.com/news/sinn-feins-gerry-adams-slams-queen-elizabeths-upcoming-visit-to-ireland-117456423-237373451.html|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131217083035/http://www.irishcentral.com/news/Sinn-Feins-Gerry-Adams-slams-Queen-Elizabeths-upcoming-visit-to-Ireland-117456423.html|archive-date=17 December 2013|website=IrishCentral.com}}</ref> An anti-Queen demonstration was held at the GPO Dublin by a small group of Irish Republicans on 26 February 2011,{{citation needed|date=August 2013}} and a mock [[trial]] and [[decapitation]] of an effigy of Queen Elizabeth II were carried out by socialist republican group [[Éirígí]].<ref>{{Cite web |last1=Debets |first1=Michael |date=16 April 2011 |title=Queen Elizabeth effigy beheaded in mock trial |url=http://www.demotix.com/news/660234/queen-elizabeth-effigy-beheaded-mock-trial-dublin#media-660204 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131228002814/http://www.demotix.com/news/660234/queen-elizabeth-effigy-beheaded-mock-trial-dublin |archive-date=28 December 2013 |website=DemotiX |access-date=18 September 2022}}</ref> Other protests included one Dublin publican (the father of [[Celtic F.C.|Celtic]] player [[Anthony Stokes]]) hanging a banner declaring "the Queen will never be welcome in this country".<ref>{{cite news |last=Bloxham |first=Andy |date=20 May 2011 |title=The Queen in Ireland: standing ovation in Dublin |url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/queen-elizabeth-II/8525271/The-Queen-in-Ireland-standing-ovation-in-Dublin.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140122153847/http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/queen-elizabeth-II/8525271/The-Queen-in-Ireland-standing-ovation-in-Dublin.html |archive-date=22 January 2014 |work=The Telegraph |location=London |access-date=18 September 2022}}</ref> In 2018, the Irish author and journalist [[Megan Nolan]] wrote an opinion piece for ''[[The New York Times]]'' that detailed how she had come to hate [[England]] and [[English people]].<ref>{{Cite web |last=Nolan |first=Megan |date=October 18, 2018 |title=I Didn't Hate the English — Until Now |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2018/10/18/opinion/england-ireland-border-brexit.html |access-date=2024-02-07 |website=[[nytimes.com]] |language=en-GB}}</ref> ===Russia=== {{further|Russia–United Kingdom relations|Anglo-Saxons (slur)}} After the [[Anglo-Russian War (1807–1812)|Anglo-Russian War]], during which Britain plundered Russian shipping and raided the coast, the alliance against Napoleon was renewed. Despite this, [[the Great Game]] gave rise to a wave of widespread Anglophobia in Russia, accompanied by fear of English interference and intervention. Which is what [[Crimean War|happened later]]. During the [[Russo-Japanese War]], there was a sentiment in Russia that England was behind Japan's militarism against Russia in the Far East, leading to a strained relationship between Britain and Russia.<ref>{{cite news|date=27 February 1904|title=Anglophobia in Russia. Among all classes.|page=11|newspaper=[[The Sydney Morning Herald]]|url=https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/14602878}}</ref> The UK and Russia were allies in [[World War I]] until the Bolshevik Revolution of 1918, after which the British [[Allied intervention in the Russian Civil War|again attacked Russian soil]] and the capitalist West became the target of the new [[Communist International]] ("Comintern"). In 1924, these tensions were briefly cooled when the Labour government of Prime Minister [[Ramsay MacDonald]] formally recognized the Soviet Union and established diplomatic relations between the two countries. The two were allies again starting in 1941. During the [[Cold War]], Britain firmly sided with the West against the Soviet Union and the relationship between the two continues to remain dubious even today.<ref>{{cite news|last=Bullough|first=Oliver|date=13 November 2019|title=The toxic relationship between Britain and Russia has to be exposed|newspaper=[[The Guardian]]|url=https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/nov/13/relationship-britain-russia-money-report}}</ref> Before [[2018 FIFA World Cup]], there had been controversies regarding Anglophobia in Russia.<ref>{{cite news|last=Beswick|first=Emma|date=8 June 2018|title=Foreign office warns football fans of 'anti-British sentiment' in Russia|publisher=[[Euronews]]|url=https://www.euronews.com/2018/06/08/foreign-office-warns-football-fans-of-anti-british-sentiment-in-russia}}</ref> [[File:Yellow Kid 1896-3-15.jpg|thumb|430px|Slum children in New York City drilling under anti-English placards, "Yellow kid" cartoon by [[Richard F. Outcault]] from [[Joseph Pulitzer]]'s Democratic newspaper ''New York World,'' 15 March 1896.]] ===United States=== {{further|United Kingdom–United States relations}} In the early years of the Republic, Anglophobia was particularly associated with the [[Jeffersonian Republicans]] in the 1790s, who warned that close ties with Great Britain were especially dangerous because that nation was an enemy of American Republicanism. By contrast, the opposing [[Federalist Party]] warned that the Jeffersonians were too sympathetic to the radicalism of the French Revolution. The [[Origins of the War of 1812]] involved claimed violations against American neutrality by the United Kingdom during the Napoleonic Wars. The [[Treaty of Ghent]], ratified in 1815 and ending the War of 1812, established peaceful relations for the two countries that has lasted more than two centuries, though this was stressed at times in the years following the treaty by events such as the [[Trent Affair]] of 1861 and the [[Fenian Raids]] in 1866–1871.<ref>H. C. Allen, ''Great Britain and the United States: A History of Anglo-American Relations, 1783–1952'' (1954) [https://archive.org/details/greatbritainunit00alle online]</ref> In the final days of the 1888 presidential campaign, a Republican operative claiming to be a British immigrant in America named Charles F. Murchison [[Murchison letter|tricked the British]] ambassador [[Lionel Sackville-West, 2nd Baron Sackville|Lord Sackville-West]] into indicating Britain's support for the Democratic candidate Grover Cleveland. The deliberatly fabricated act forced Sackville-west to return to Britain.<ref>Charles S. Campbell, "The Dismissal of Lord Sackville." ''Mississippi Valley Historical Review'' 44.4 (1958): 635-648 [https://www.jstor.org/stable/1886600 online].</ref><ref>George Brooks, "Anglophobia in the United States: Some Light on the Presidential Election." ''Westminster Review'' 130.1 (1888): 736-756 [https://www.proquest.com/openview/774ea185d68ff4a0/1?pq-origsite=gscholar&cbl=2287 online].</ref> [[File:The Great Rapprochement.jpg|thumb|left|This 1898 depiction of the Great Rapprochement shows [[Uncle Sam]] embracing [[John Bull]], while [[Columbia (name)|Columbia]] and [[Britannia]] sit together and hold hands.]] [[The Great Rapprochement]] was the convergence of social and political objectives between the United Kingdom and the United States from 1895 until World War I began in 1914. The most notable sign of improving relations during the Great Rapprochement was Britain's actions during the [[Spanish–American War]] (started 1898). Initially Britain supported the [[Spanish Empire]] and its [[Captaincy General of Cuba|colonial rule]] over [[Cuba]], since the perceived threat of American occupation and a territorial acquisition of Cuba by the United States might harm British trade and commercial interests within its own imperial possessions in the [[West Indies]]. However, after the United States made genuine assurances that it would grant Cuba's independence (which eventually occurred in 1902 under the terms dictated in the [[Platt Amendment]]), the British abandoned this policy and ultimately sided with the United States, unlike most other European powers who supported Spain. In return the US government supported Britain during the [[Second Boer War|Boer War]], although many Americans favoured the Boers.<ref>{{cite book|first=John|last=Dumbrell|title=America's Special Relationships: Allies and Clients|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2IYKEMB9eIUC&pg=PA31|year=2009|publisher=Taylor & Francis|page=31|isbn=9780415483766}}</ref> In 2002, academic John Moser said that, although Anglophobia is now "almost completely absent" from American society, this was not always the case. He stated that "there were strains of Anglophobia present in virtually every [[populist movement]] of the late 19th and early 20th centuries," with the [[People's Party (United States)|Populist Party]], for example, "referring to England as a 'monster' that had 'seized upon the fresh energy of America and is steadily fixing its fangs into our social life.'" Reasons suggested for the faltering of Anglophobia included the impact of the [[Second World War]], and reduced political support for Irish nationalist movements compared with that in earlier periods. Moser also said:<ref>{{cite web| first=John | last=Moser |url=http://personal.ashland.edu/~jmoser1/anglophobia.html |title=John Moser, The Decline of American Anglophobia |publisher=Personal.ashland.edu |access-date=21 May 2009|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130621032821/http://personal.ashland.edu/~jmoser1/anglophobia.html|archive-date=21 June 2013}}</ref> {{quote|In an age when the wealthiest and most influential Americans tended to be associated with things British—the vast majority were of Anglo-Saxon descent, wore English-tailored suits, drove British-made automobiles, and even spoke with affected British accents—it was quite natural for Great Britain to fall within the sights of disaffected populists. In more recent years, however, this has changed. When one thinks of wealth and influence in contemporary America, particularly when one considers those who have made their fortunes in the past thirty years, English culture does not immediately spring to mind.}} The [[Cinema of the United States|film industry]] is widely perceived to give a British nationality to a disproportionate number of villains.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/1346010/Brenglish-in-a-snit-over-Hollywoods-history-lessons.html |title='Brenglish' in a snit over Hollywood's history lessons |work=The Telegraph|date=19 June 2001 |access-date=21 May 2009 | location=London | first=Ben | last=Fenton|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140215131341/http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/1346010/Brenglish-in-a-snit-over-Hollywoods-history-lessons.html |archive-date=15 February 2014 }}</ref> ====Anglophobia in the Irish-American community==== The [[Irish-American]] community in the United States has historically shown antipathy towards Britain for its role in controlling Ireland. The large Irish Catholic element provided a major base for demands for Irish independence, and occasioned anti-British rhetoric, especially at election time.<ref>William C. Reuter, "The Anatomy of Political Anglophobia in the United States, 1865–1900," ''Mid America'' (1979) 61#2 pp. 117-132.</ref> Anglophobia thus has been a defining feature of the Irish-American experience. Bolstered by their support of Irish nationalism, Irish-American communities have been staunchly anti-English since the 1850s, and this sentiment is fostered within the Irish-American identity.<ref name="SJP 2004 216">Simon James Potter, ''Newspapers and Empire in Ireland and Britain: Reporting the British Empire, c.1857-1921''. (Four Courts Press, 2004), p.216</ref><ref>Arthur Gribben, ''The Great Famine and the Irish Diaspora in America''. [[University of Massachusetts Press]] (1999), p.220</ref> Irish immigrants arrived poor and within a generation or two prospered. Many subscribed cash from their weekly wage to keep up the anti-English agitation.<ref>''The Century: Volume 26, 1883.'' https://books.google.com/books?id=x1aQWbz_eYAC&q=irish+anti+english</ref> Anglophobia was a common theme in Democratic Party politics.<ref>* Davies, Gareth, and Julian E. Zelizer, eds. ''America at the Ballot Box: Elections and Political History'' (2015) pp. 98-117.</ref> Irish-American newspapers, like the pro-Catholic ''Truth Teller'' which was founded in 1825 by an anti-English priest, were influential in the identity of the community.<ref>Ronald H. Bayor and Timothy J. Meagher, ''The New York Irish''. [[Johns Hopkins University Press]] (1997), p.74</ref> Anti-English feelings among Irish-Americans spread to American culture through Irish-American performers in popular [[blackface]] [[minstrel show]]s. These imparted both elements of the Irish-American performers' own national bias, and the popular stereotypical image that the English people were bourgeois, aloof, or upper class.<ref>Robert Nowatzki, ''Representing African Americans in Transatlantic Abolitionism and Blackface Minstrelsy'', p.181. [[LSU Press]] (2010)</ref> Sentiments quickly turned into direct and violent action when in the 1860s the [[Fenian Brotherhood]] Society invaded [[Canada]] to provoke a United States-British war in hope it would lead to Irish independence.<ref name="PJB 2002 334">Patrick J. Buchanan, ''A Republic, Not an Empire: Reclaiming America's Destiny'', p.334. [[Regnery Publishing]] (2002)</ref> Violence is said to have included direct action by Fenian sympathisers, with the assassination of [[Thomas D'Arcy McGee]], himself an [[Irish Canadian]] and Irish nationalist who was against the invasion, although he was very critical of the [[Orange Order]], and it has long been suspected they were his true killers.<ref>Robert Nowatzki, LSU Press, 2010 - Social Science p.181</ref> [[Goldwin Smith]], professor at [[Cornell University]], wrote in the ''[[North American Review]]'' that "hatred of England" was used as a tool to win the Irish-American vote.<ref>Kim C. Sturgess, ''Shakespeare and the American Nation''. Cambridge University Press (2004), p.46</ref> A similar observation was made in 1900 by U.S. Secretary of State [[John Hay]], who criticised the [[People's Party (United States)|Prairie Populist]] and his own [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic party]]'s political pandering to attract the support of the Irish diaspora: {{quote|State conventions put on an anti-English plank in their platforms to curry favor with the Irish (whom they want to keep) and the Germans whom they want to seduce. It is too disgusting to have to deal with such sordid lies.<ref name="PJB 2002 334"/>}} Well into the early 20th century anti-English sentiment was increasing with famine memorials in the Irish-American communities, which "served as a wellspring for their obsessive and often corrosive antipathy," as noted in the British Parliament in 1915: {{quote|There is no part of the world where anti-English influences worked so powerfully than in the United States. Almost every Irishman there is the son or grandson of an evicted tenant – evicted in all the horrors of the black 40s. And most of them have heard stories of them from their mother's knee.<ref>Arthur Gribben, ''The Great Famine and the Irish Diaspora in America''</ref>}} Some newspapers, including the ''San Francisco Leader'' and the ''New York Irish World'', first published in 1823, were renowned for their anti-English articles.<ref>Clark, Dennis. ''The Irish in Philadelphia: Ten Generations of Urban experience''. [[Temple University Press]] (1982), p.110</ref> The ''Irish World'' blamed the mainland United Kingdom for the depopulation and desolate state of Ireland's industries.<ref name="AG 1999 228">Arthur Gribben, ''The Great Famine and the Irish Diaspora in America. [[University of Massachusetts Press]] (1999), p.228</ref> One newspaper, the ''[[Gaelic American]]'', called a student performance of the [[God Save the Queen|British national anthem]] by some girls of Irish heritage from a convent school an act of disloyalty, where they were taught to reverence the traditions of the hereditary enemy of their race and religion.<ref name="AG 1999 228"/> A commemorative stamp by [[Philanthropy|philanthropist]] [[Andrew Carnegie]] on a century of peace between America and Great Britain was criticised by the Irish-American press.<ref name="AG 1999 228"/> In recent years American political commentators, such as [[Pat Buchanan]], have highlighted the anti-English stance of the [[Irish-American|Irish Diaspora]] in the United States of America.<ref name="PJB 2002 334"/> ===Argentina=== {{Further|Argentina–United Kingdom relations}} In 1982 the two countries fought a small short conflict in the [[Falklands War]], decisively won by the UK. Relations have become friendly since then.<ref>Martin Robson, "The UK and Argentina: Economic Interdependence, Informal Empire, or Just Good Friends?." ''Navies and Maritime Policies in the South Atlantic'' (2019): 97-124. </ref> Anglophobia in Argentina has been studied by the historian Ema Cibotti in "Dear Enemies. From Beresford to Maradona, the true story of relations between the English and Argentines". In its prologue, entitled "Against the English it is better", the social historian states {{blockquote|The anti-British sentiment is perhaps one of the most widespread and rooted in our idiosyncrasy, to the point that it has become flesh in football, our most popular sport. “Against the English it is better”, and “He who does not jump is English”, are slogans shouted by millions. Each success of the blue and white team is usually a reason for collective joy, but a victory against the English is much more; it vibrates the national spirit, no matter how dejected it may be at the time. The playing field becomes the stage where society claims the almost two hundred years of usurpation of the Malvinas Islands.}} That feeling has not been constant or unanimous. Characters such as [[Manuel Belgrano]], who had faced the [[British invasions of the River Plate|English invasions of Buenos Aires]] in 1806 and 1807 or Mariano Moreno, among the independence leaders, supported policies similar to those of the British and the dispute over the [[Falkland Islands]] did not sour relations. The 1929 crisis and the coup that overthrew [[Hipólito Yrigoyen]] in [[1930 Argentine coup d'état|1930]], with the fall in export prices, will be the determining factors in the appearance of an Anglophobic sentiment linked to the rejection of neo-colonialism or British imperialism. This is what the Spanish pedagogue [[Lorenzo Luzuriaga]] observed upon arriving in Argentina in 1940, who in a letter to [[Américo Castro]] analysed the different attitudes towards the outbreak of the World War {{blockquote|People here are very confused. On the one hand, there is economic Anglophobia about alleged British imperialism and exploitation; on the other, the Russophile extremists who have raised the banner of neutrality and indifference to the conflict; on the other, the Francophiles (Victoria Ocampo's group) who do not know what to do with the defection from France, and finally a small Anglophile minority, ready to help in the fight by all means.}} Philosopher [[Mario Bunge]], in an interview granted to Jorge Fontevecchia on May 4, 2008, collected in Reportajes 2, alluded to the spread of Anglophobic sentiment in the years of the conflict, explainable "because many of the companies had been owned by the English" and attributed to this feeling the approach to Nazism of [[Carlos Astrada]], introducer of existentialist philosophy in Argentina. But it will be with the [[Falklands War]] in 1982 when Anglophobic sentiment spread to a good part of society. ===India=== {{further|India–United Kingdom relations}} Anglophobic sentiment in India is rooted in the colonial legacy of British rule, starting with the [[Company rule in India|rule of the British East India Company]] and continuing under the [[British Raj]].<ref>{{Cite web |title=Buddhists: Understanding Buddhism Through the Lives of Practitioners |url=https://www.wiley.com/en-us/Buddhists%3A+Understanding+Buddhism+Through+the+Lives+of+Practitioners-p-9780470658185 |access-date=2024-06-06 |website=Wiley.com |language=en}}</ref> Oppressive and exploitative practices, the imposition of British culture, language, and education, along with economic policies that favoured British interests at the expense of Indian welfare, fuelled a sense of injustice and subjugation among Indians. Key events such as the [[Indian Rebellion of 1857]], the [[Jallianwala Bagh massacre]] of 1919, and the economic hardships imposed by British policies during events like the [[Bengal famine of 1943]] intensified this animosity.<ref>{{Cite web |url=https://global.oup.com/academic/product/poverty-and-famines-9780198284635?cc=us&lang=en& |access-date=2024-06-06 |website=global.oup.com}}</ref> Post-independence, Anglophobia has persisted in various forms, often manifesting as resistance to Western cultural dominance and the lingering impact of colonial attitudes in modern Indian society.<ref>{{Cite web |date=1993-11-07 |title=The Nation and Its Fragments |url=https://press.princeton.edu/books/paperback/9780691019437/the-nation-and-its-fragments |access-date=2024-06-06 |website=press.princeton.edu |language=en}}</ref> This historical context has fostered a complex relationship with the English language and British cultural elements, where they are both integrated into Indian society and simultaneously viewed with suspicion or disdain by some. The legacy of colonial exploitation has left a deep imprint on India's collective memory, contributing to a continued wariness of British influence in both political and cultural spheres.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Inglorious Empire |url=https://www.hurstpublishers.com/book/inglorious-empire/ |access-date=2024-06-06 |website=Hurst |language=en-GB}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |date=November 18, 2007 |title=Provincializing Europe |publisher=Princeton University Press |url=https://press.princeton.edu/books/paperback/9780691130019/provincializing-europe |access-date=2024-06-06 |website=press.princeton.edu |language=en}}</ref>
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