Editing Homestead strike (section)

==Lockout==
Frick locked workers out of the plate mill and one of the [[open hearth furnace]]s on the evening of June 28. When no collective bargaining agreement was reached by June 29, Frick locked the union out of the rest of the plant. A high fence topped with barbed wire, begun in January, was completed and the plant sealed to the workers. Sniper towers with searchlights were constructed near each mill building, and high-pressure water cannons (some capable of spraying boiling-hot liquid) were placed at each entrance. Various aspects of the plant were protected, reinforced, or shielded.<ref>Foner, pp. 207 (fn); 208; Krause, pp. 302, 310.</ref>

At a mass meeting on June 30, local AA leaders reviewed the final negotiating sessions and announced that the company had broken the contract by locking out workers a day before the contract expired. The [[Knights of Labor]], which had organized the mechanics and transportation workers at Homestead, agreed to walk out alongside the skilled workers of the AA.  Workers at Carnegie plants in [[Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania|Pittsburgh]], [[Duquesne, Pennsylvania|Duquesne]], Union Mills and [[Beaver Falls, Pennsylvania|Beaver Falls]] struck in sympathy the same day.<ref>Foner, pp. 207 (fn), 208, 210–211.</ref>

The Declaration of the Strike Committee, dated July 20, 1892 reads in part,

<blockquote>The employees in the mill of Messrs. Carnegie, Phipps & Co., at Homestead, Pa., have built there a town with its homes, its schools and its churches; have for many years been faithful co-workers with the company in the business of the mill; have invested thousands of dollars of their savings in said mill in the expectation of spending their lives in Homestead and of working in the mill during the period of their efficiency. … "Therefore, the committee desires to express to the public as its firm belief that both the public and the employees aforesaid have equitable rights and interests in the said mill which cannot be modified or diverted without due process of law; that the employees have the right to continuous employment in the said mill during efficiency and good behavior without regard to religious, political or economic opinions or associations; that it is against public policy and subversive of the fundamental principles of American liberty that a whole community of workers should be denied employment or suffer any other social detriment on account of membership in a church, a political party or a trade union; that it is our duty as American citizens to resist by every legal and ordinary means the unconstitutional, anarchic and revolutionary policy of the Carnegie Company, which seems to evince a contempt [for] public and private interests and a disdain [for] the public conscience. . . .<ref>{{cite web|url=http://battleofhomestead.org/archives/2005_Jan.pdf|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160807020537/http://battleofhomestead.org/archives/2005_Jan.pdf|archive-date=August 7, 2016|title=Bronze marker of the 1892 Edwin Rowe depiction|website=battleofhomestead.org|date=January 2005}}</ref></blockquote>

[[File:Promise and Performance Political Cartoon Andrew Carnegie sitting on bags of money Homestead Strike 1892.png|thumb|Political cartoon, of boss with whip, which is critical of Andrew Carnegie for lowering wages even though [[McKinley Tariff|protective tariffs]] were implemented for industry.|upright=1.4|right]]

The strikers were determined to keep the plant closed. They secured a steam-powered river launch and several rowboats to patrol the [[Monongahela River]], which ran alongside the plant. Men also divided themselves into units along military lines. Picket lines were thrown up around the plant and the town, and 24-hour shifts established. Ferries and trains were watched. Strangers were challenged to give explanations for their presence in town; if one was not forthcoming, they were escorted outside the city limits. Telegraph communications with AA locals in other cities were established to keep tabs on the company's attempts to hire replacement workers. Reporters were issued special badges which gave them safe passage through the town, but the badges were withdrawn if it was felt misleading or false information made it into the news. Tavern owners were even asked to prevent excessive drinking.<ref>Foner, pp. 208–209; Krause, p. 311; Brody, p. 59;</ref>

Frick was also busy. The company placed ads for replacement workers in newspapers as far away as [[Boston]], [[St. Louis, Missouri|St. Louis]] and even Europe.<ref>Foner, p. 209.</ref>

But unprotected strikebreakers would be driven off. On July 4, Frick formally requested that Sheriff William H. McCleary intervene to allow supervisors access to the plant. Carnegie corporation attorney [[Philander Knox]] gave the go-ahead to the sheriff on July 5, and McCleary dispatched 11 deputies to the town to post handbills ordering the strikers to stop interfering with the plant's operation. The strikers tore down the handbills and told the deputies that they would not turn over the plant to nonunion workers. Then they herded the deputies onto a boat and sent them downriver to Pittsburgh.<ref>Krause, p. 26. claims these were plant guards specially deputized, but Krause is more authoritative in this regard.</ref>

Frick had ordered the construction of a solid board fence topped with barbed wire around mill property. The workers dubbed the newly fortified mill "Fort Frick".