Editing Max Weber (section)

===Political involvements===
Later, during the spring of 1913, Weber holidayed in the [[Monte Verità]] community in [[Ascona]], [[Switzerland]].{{sfnm|1a1=Whimster|1y=2016|1p=8|2a1=Radkau|2y=2009|2pp=358, 280|3a1=Löwy|3a2=Varikas|3y=2022|3p=94}} While holidaying, he was advising Frieda Gross in her custody battle for her children. He opposed [[Erich Mühsam]]'s involvement because Mühsam was an [[anarchist]]. Weber argued that the case needed to be dealt with by bourgeois reformers who were not "derailed".{{sfnm|1a1=Whimster|1y=2016|1pp=18–20|2a1=Radkau|2y=2009|2pp=383–385|3a1=Löwy|3a2=Varikas|3y=2022|3p=100}} A year later, also in spring, he again holidayed in Ascona.{{sfnm|1a1=Whimster|1y=2016|1p=8|2a1=Radkau|2y=2009|2pp=358, 280–283|3a1=Löwy|3a2=Varikas|3y=2022|3p=94}} The community contained several different expressions of the then-contemporaneous radical political and lifestyle reform movements. They included [[naturism]], [[free love]], and [[Western esotericism]], among others. Weber was critical of the anarchist and erotic movements in Ascona, as he viewed their fusion as having been politically absurd.{{sfnm|1a1=Whimster|1y=2016|1pp=8–9|2a1=Radkau|2y=2009|2pp=358, 280–283|3a1=Löwy|3a2=Varikas|3y=2022|3p=100}}

====First World War====
After the outbreak of the [[First World War]] in 1914, Weber volunteered for service and was appointed as a [[Military reserve force|reserve officer]] in charge of organising the army hospitals in Heidelberg, a role he fulfilled until the end of 1915.{{sfnm|1a1=Bendix|1a2=Roth|1y=1977|1p=3|2a1=Kaesler|2y=1988|2p=18|3a1=Radkau|3y=2009|3pp=454–456}} His views on the war and the expansion of the [[German Empire]] changed over the course of the conflict.{{sfnm|1a1=Mommsen|1a2=Steinberg|1y=1984|1pp=196–198|2a1=Kaesler|2y=1988|2pp=18–19|3a1=Weber|3a2=Turner|3y=2014|3pp=22–23}} Early on, he supported the [[History of Germany during World War I|German war effort]], with some hesitation, viewing the war as having been necessary to fulfill Germany's duty as a leading state power. In time, however, Weber became one of the most prominent critics of both [[Lebensraum#First World War nationalist premise|German expansionism]] and the [[Wilhelm II#World War I|Kaiser's war policies]].{{sfnm|1a1=Kim|1y=2022|2a1=Bruhns|2y=2018|2pp=37–44|3a1=Craig|3y=1988|3pp=19–20}} He publicly criticised [[Septemberprogramm|Germany's potential annexation of Belgium]] and [[unrestricted submarine warfare]], later supporting calls for constitutional reform, democratisation, and [[universal suffrage]].{{sfnm|1a1=Kim|1y=2022|2a1=Bruhns|2y=2018|2pp=40, 43–44|3a1=Craig|3y=1988|3p=20}} His younger brother Karl, an architect, was killed near [[Brest-Litovsk]] in 1915 while fighting in the war.{{sfnm|1a1=Radkau|1y=2009|1pp=527–528|2a1=Kaesler|2y=2014|2pp=740–741}} Weber had previously viewed him negatively but his death made him feel more connected to him.{{sfn|Radkau|2009|pp=527–528}}

[[File:Max Weber in Lauenstein, 1917.png|thumb|right|Max Weber (facing right) with Ernst Toller (facing camera) during the Lauenstein Conferences in 1917|alt=Max Weber, facing right, lecturing with Ernst Toller in the center of the background]]

He and his wife also participated in the 1917 Lauenstein Conferences that were held at {{Interlanguage link|Lauenstein Castle|de|Burg Lauenstein (Frankenwald)}} in [[Kingdom of Bavaria|Bavaria]].{{sfnm|1a1=Radkau|1y=2009|1pp=483–487|2a1=Levy|2y=2016|2pp=87–89|3a1=Kaesler|3y=2014|3pp=747–748}} These conferences were planned by the publisher [[Eugen Diederichs]] and brought together intellectuals, including [[Theodor Heuss]], [[Ernst Toller]], and Werner Sombart.{{sfnm|1a1=Radkau|1y=2009|1pp=483–486|2a1=Levy|2y=2016|2pp=87–90|3a1=Kaesler|3y=2014|3pp=747–748}} Weber's presence elevated his profile in Germany and served to dispel some of the event's [[Romanticism|romantic]] atmosphere. After he spoke at the first one, he became involved in the planning for the second one, as Diederichs thought that the conferences needed someone who could serve as an oppositional figure. In this capacity, he argued against the political romanticism that [[Max Maurenbrecher]], a former theologian, espoused. Weber also opposed what he saw as the excessive rhetoric of the youth groups and nationalists at Lauenstein, instead supporting German democratisation.{{sfnm|1a1=Radkau|1y=2009|1pp=486–487|2a1=Levy|2y=2016|2pp=90–91|3a1=Kaesler|3y=2014|3pp=747–748}} For Weber and the younger participants, the conferences' romantic intent was irrelevant to the determination of Germany's future.{{sfnm|1a1=Radkau|1y=2009|1pp=485–487|2a1=Levy|2y=2016|2pp=89–91|3a1=Kaesler|3y=2014|3pp=749–751}} In November, shortly after the second conference, Weber was invited by the Free Student Youth, a student organisation, to give a lecture in Munich, resulting in "[[Science as a Vocation]]".{{sfnm|1a1=Radkau|1y=2009|1pp=487–491|2a1=Weber|2y=2004|2p=xix|3a1=Gane|3y=2002|3p=53}} In it, he argued that an inner calling and specialisation were necessary for one to become a scholar.{{sfnm|1a1=Radkau|1y=2009|1pp=487–491|2a1=Weber|2y=2004|2pp=xxv–xxix|3a1=Tribe|3y=2018|3pp=130–133}} Weber also began a [[sadomasochistic]] affair with Else von Richthofen the next year.{{sfnm|1a1=Demm|1y=2017|1pp=64, 82–83|2a1=Radkau|2y=2009|2pp=521–522}} Meanwhile, she was simultaneously conducting an affair with his brother, [[Alfred Weber|Alfred]].{{sfn|Demm|2017|pp=83–84}} Max Weber's affairs with Richtofen and Mina Tobler lasted until his death in 1920.{{sfnm|1a1=Demm|1y=2017|1pp=64, 82–85|2a1=Lepsius|2y=2004|2p=21}}

====Weimar Republic====
After the war ended, Weber unsuccessfully ran for a seat in the [[Weimar National Assembly]] in January 1919 as a member of the liberal [[German Democratic Party]], which he had co-founded.{{sfnm|1a1=Mommsen|1a2=Steinberg|1y=1984|1pp=303–308|2a1=Radkau|2y=2009|2pp=513–514|3a1=Kim|3y=2022}} He also advised the National Assembly in its drafting of the [[Weimar Constitution]].{{sfnm|1a1=Kaesler|1y=2014|1pp=866–870|2a1=Bendix|2a2=Roth|2y=1977|2p=3|3a1=Radkau|3y=2009|3pp=511–512}} While he was campaigning for his party, Weber critiqued the left and complained about [[Karl Liebknecht]] and [[Rosa Luxemburg]] who led the leftist [[Spartacus League]]. He regarded the [[German Revolution of 1918–1919]] as having been responsible for Germany's inability to fight against [[Second Polish Republic|Poland]]'s claims on its eastern territories.{{sfn|Radkau|2009|pp=505–508}} His opposition to the revolution may have prevented [[Friedrich Ebert]], the new [[President of Germany (1919–1945)|president of Germany]] and a member of the [[Social Democratic Party of Germany|Social Democratic Party]], from appointing him as a minister or ambassador.{{sfnm|1a1=Mommsen|1a2=Steinberg|1y=1984|1pp=301–302|2a1=Kaesler|2y=1988|2p=22}} Weber was also critical of the [[Treaty of Versailles]], which he believed unjustly [[Article 231 of the Treaty of Versailles|assigned war guilt to Germany]].{{sfnm|1a1=Kaesler|1y=2014|1p=882|2a1=Radkau|2y=2009|2pp=500–504}} Instead, he believed that many countries were guilty of starting it, not just Germany.{{sfnm|1a1=Waters|1a2=Waters|1y=2015a|1p=22|2a1=Radkau|2y=2009|2pp=500–503}} In making this case, Weber argued that Russia was the only [[great power]] that actually desired the war.{{sfnm|1a1=Waters|1a2=Waters|1y=2015a|1p=20|2a1=Mommsen|2y=1997|2p=16}} He also regarded Germany as not having been culpable for [[German invasion of Belgium (1914)|its invasion of Belgium]], viewing Belgian neutrality as having obscured an alliance with [[French Third Republic|France]].{{sfn|Waters|Waters|2015a|pp=20, 22}} Overall, Weber's political efforts were largely unsuccessful, with the exception of his support for a democratically elected and strong presidency.{{sfnm|1a1=Kim|1y=2022|2a1=Kaesler|2y=2014|2pp=868–869|3a1=Honigsheim|3y=2017|3p=246}}

On 28 January 1919, after his electoral defeat, Weber delivered a lecture titled "[[Politics as a Vocation]]", which commented on the subject of politics.{{sfnm|1a1=Weber|1y=2004|1pp=xxxiv–xxxv|2a1=Radkau|2y=2009|2pp=514–515|3a1=Swedberg|3a2=Agevall|3y=2016|3pp=259–260}} It was prompted by the early [[Weimar Republic]]'s political turmoil and was requested by the Free Student Youth.{{sfnm|1a1=Radkau|1y=2009|1pp=514–518|2a1=Weber|2y=2004|2pp=xxxiv–xxxviii|3a1=Gane|3y=2002|3pp=64–65}} Shortly before he left to join the delegation in Versailles on 13 May 1919, Weber used his connections with the [[German National People's Party]]'s deputies to meet with [[Erich Ludendorff]]. He spent several hours unsuccessfully trying to convince Ludendorff to surrender himself to the [[Allies of World War I|Allies]].{{sfnm|1a1=Radkau|1y=2009|1pp=542–543|2a1=Kaesler|2y=2014|2p=883}} This debate also shifted to other subjects, such as who was culpable for Germany's defeat in the war. Weber thought that the [[Oberste Heeresleitung|German high command]] had failed, while Ludendorff regarded Weber as a democrat who was partially responsible for the revolution. Weber tried to disabuse him of that notion by expressing support for a democratic system with a strong executive. Since he held Ludendorff responsible for Germany's defeat in the war and having sent many young Germans to die on the battlefield, Weber thought that he should surrender himself and become a political martyr. However, Ludendorff was not willing to do so and instead wanted to live off of his pension.{{sfnm|1a1=Radkau|1y=2009|1p=543|2a1=Kaesler|2y=2014|2pp=884–887}}