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Sheng Shicai
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== Rule == === Consolidation === On the anniversary of the 12 April coup in 1934, the Xinjiang provincial government published an administrative plan called the "Great Eight-Point Manifesto"{{sfn|Adle|2005|p=392}} or "Eight Great Proclamations".{{sfn|Millward|2007|p=209}} These included: the establishment of racial equality, guarantee of religious freedom, equitable distribution of agricultural and rural relief, reform of government finance, the cleaning up of government administration, the expansion of education, the promotion of self-government and the improvement of the judiciary. The program was practicable since each point represented a grievance that one nationality had against the previous government, which enabled Sheng to enact the reforms.{{sfn|Mansfield|1945|p=3735}} The first two points which dealt with "the realisation of equality for all nationalities" and "the protection of the rights of believers" advanced the national and religious rights of the Xinjiang nationalities.{{sfn|Adle|2005|p=392}} Sheng sent a letter to [[Joseph Stalin]], [[Vyacheslav Molotov]] and [[Kliment Voroshilov]] in June 1934. In the letter, Sheng expressed his belief in the victory of Communism and referred to himself as "convinced supporter of Communism". He called for the "fastest possible implementation of Communism in Xinjiang". Sheng also not only denounced the Nationalist government, but expressed his aim in overthrowing it, suggesting support for the [[Chinese Soviet Republic]] and joint offensive against the Chinese government. Sheng also expressed his wish to join the [[Communist Party of Soviet Union]].{{sfn|Sheng|1934}} In a letter sent to the Soviet General Consul [[Garegin Apresov]] in [[Ürümqi]], Stalin commented that the Sheng's letter made a "depressing impression on our comrades". The content of Sheng's letter led Stalin to refer him as "a provocateur or a hopeless "leftist" having no idea about Marxism".{{sfn|Stalin|1934}} In a reply to Sheng, Stalin, Molotov and Voroshilov refused all of his proposals.{{sfn|Stalin|Molotov|Voroshilov|1934}} Garegin Apresov, who was later recalled to Moscow and repressed, had enormous power in the province in 1933–1937.<ref>{{cite book|access-date=2023-11-16 |archive-date=2023-11-16 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231116081122/https://books.google.ru/books?id=3utRAQAAIAAJ&newbks=0&printsec=frontcover&dq=%22+Tsar+%22+Apresoff&q=%22+Tsar+%22+Apresoff&hl=en&redir_esc=y |date=1935 |pages=668 |title=Oriental Affairs: A Monthly Review |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=3utRAQAAIAAJ&q=%22+Tsar+%22+Apresoff |url-status=live}}<!-- auto-translated from Russian by Module:CS1 translator --></ref><ref name=":6">{{Cite web|url=https://dzen.ru/a/ZWnwnnv69Rav8I0R|title=Заметки о Гарегине Апресове}}</ref> In August 1934, Sheng affirmed that the nine duties of his government are to eradicate corruption, to develop economy and culture, to maintain peace by avoiding war, to mobilise all manpower for the cultivation of land, to improve communication facilities, to keep Xinjiang permanently a Chinese province, to fight against imperialism and Fascism and to sustain a close relationship with Soviet Russia, to reconstruct a "New Xinjiang", and to protect the positions and privileges of religious leaders.{{sfn|Chan|1983|p=375}} [[File:Flag of the People's Anti-Imperialist Association.svg|thumb|Flag of Xinjiang, based on the flag of the Soviet Union, adopted in 1934]] The dependency of the Sheng regime on the Soviet Union was further highlighted with the publication of the "Six Great Policies" in December 1934.{{sfn|Clarke|2011|p=33}} The Policies guaranteed his previously enacted "Great Eight-Point Manifesto"{{sfn|Mansfield|1945|p=3735}} and included "anti-imperialism, friendship with the Soviet Union, racial and national equality, clean government, peace and reconstruction".{{sfn|Mansfield|1945|p=3735}}{{sfn|Clarke|2011|p=33}} Sheng referred to them as "a skillful, vital application of Marxism, [[Leninism]], and [[Stalinism]] in the conditions of the feudal society of economically and culturally backward Xinjiang".{{sfn|Sheng|1939}} They served as the ideological basis of Sheng's rule.{{sfn|Chan|1983|p=377}} With the proclamation of the Six Great Policies, Sheng adopted a new flag with a six-pointed star to represent these policies.{{sfn|Brophy|2016|p=255}} On 1 August 1935, Sheng founded the [[People's Anti-Imperialist Association]] in Ürümqi.{{sfn|De Cordier|2016|p=61}} Garegin Apresov submitted a presentation to the [[Politburo of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union]] which accepted the creation of the association on 5 August. The association had to be composed of representatives of the Soviet special services bodies. As the leader of the association, Sheng became one of the main figures of Soviet regional policy. The creation of the association strengthened the Soviet position in Xinjiang.{{sfn|Gasanli|2016|p=61}} [[File:USSR Consul G. A. Apresov.jpg|thumb|Shen Shicai and the USSR Consul General in Ürümqi G. A. Apresov at an official reception in Xinjiang.]] The propaganda of the association was the ''Anti-Imperialist War Front''. Xinjiang's Youth and Xinjiang's Women served as the association's youth and women's wing respectively. In 1935, the association had 2,489 members, and in 1939, the Association's membership rose to 10,000.{{sfn|Chan|1983|p=378}} The membership was nationally diverse, and included Han, Hui and various [[Turkic peoples]].{{sfn|De Cordier|2016|p=61}} In 1935 the British consul in Kashgar sent a report to the Foreign Office which stated that the influence of the Soviet Union on Xinjiang and its population increased. In order to check the reliability of these claims, the Chinese government sent a special commission to Ürümqi. However, the commission concluded that Soviet assistance is friendly and commensurate with the assistance previously provided to the province by the Soviet Union. Only after this, the governments of Xinjiang, China, and the Soviet Union issued a joint statement in which the allegedly impending annexation of Xinjiang to the USSR was characterised as untrue. Sheng and the "reliable people" he appointed in the province played a special role in the fact that the Chinese authorities came to this conclusion. After this joint statement, the Soviet Union felt even more comfortable in Xinjiang politics. In 1935 the Politburo made several secret decisions to strengthen Soviet influence in the region.{{sfn|Gasanli|2016|pp=61–62}} When in December 1936 [[Zhang Xueliang]] rebelled against the Chinese government and arrested [[Chiang Kai-shek]], which led to the [[Xi'an Incident]]. Sheng sided with Zhang, who asked for his help, and intended to proclaim that his rebels were under Xinjiang's protection. Only after the Soviets condemned the incident and characterised it as a Japanese provocation, and demanded from Sheng to drop his support for Zhang, did Sheng refuse to support Zhang.{{sfn|Gasanli|2016|pp=73–74}} === Kashgar region and Islamic Rebellion === Two weeks after Ma Zhongying left for the Soviet territory,{{sfn|Forbes|1986|p=126}} in early July 1934,{{sfn|Forbes|1986|p=138}} Kashgar was occupied by a unit of 400 Chinese soldiers under the command of [[Kung Cheng-han]]{{sfn|Forbes|1986|p=126}} on 20 July.{{sfn|Forbes|1986|p=138}} He was accompanied by the 2,000 strong Uighurs commanded by [[Mahmut Muhiti]],{{sfn|Forbes|1986|p=126}} a wealthy ex-merchant.{{sfn|Forbes|1986|p=138}} Thus, Kashgar was peacefully taken over by Xinjiang's provincial authority after almost a year.{{sfn|Forbes|1986|pp=126–127}} To reassure the local population and to give himself additional time to consolidate his power in the northern and eastern parts of the province, Sheng appointed Muhiti as the overall Military Commander for the Kashgar region. Sheng was not comfortable with the Muslim officials in Kashgar, therefore a month later, he appointed his fellow [[Manchuria]]n [[Liu Pin]] to the position of Commanding Officer in Kashgar. Muhiti was demoted and retained the position of Divisional Commander.{{sfn|Forbes|1986|p=138}} Sheng's Han Chinese appointees took effective control over the Kashgar region, and foremost amongst them was Liu, a Chinese nationalist, and a Christian. Liu understood little about the local Muslim culture. Immediately upon his arrival, he ordered that the picture of [[Sun Yat-sen]], the founder of the Chinese Republic, be hung in the Kashgar mosque. The local Muslim population was dismayed by the developments in Kashgar and considered that the "Bolsheviks had taken over the country and were bent on destroying religion".{{sfn|Forbes|1986|p=139}} Also Sheng's educational reform which attacked basic Islamic principles, as well as atheistic propaganda, contributed to the alienation of the Xinjiang's Muslim population.{{sfn|Dickens|1990|p=17}} Also in 1936, in the [[Altay City|Altay]] region in northern Xinjiang, local Muslim nationalists, led by [[Younis Haji]], founded the Society of National Defence. This society included influential Muslim figures. Sheng received information on the preparation of a powerful protest movement by this society. However, he did not have the capacity to suppress this movement with his own forces.{{sfn|Gasanli|2016|p=74}} [[File:Soviet invasion 1937.jpeg|thumb|left|Soviet invasion in Kashgar]] In [[Kingdom of Afghanistan|Afghanistan]], [[Muhammad Amin Bughra]], the exiled leader of the East Turkestan Republic, approached the Japanese ambassador in 1935 proposing the establishment of the ETR under Japanese patronage and proposed Mahmut Muhiti as the leader of the newly established puppet state. The plan was later aborted when Mahmud in fear for his life fled from Kashgar to [[British Raj|British India]] in April 1937.{{sfn|Dickens|1990|p=17}} Muhiti became the focal point of the opposition to Sheng's government.{{sfn|Dickens|1990|p=17}} From the middle of 1936, he and his supporters began to propagate the idea of creating an "independent Uyghur state". In this case, he was supported by Muslim religious leaders and influential people from Xinjiang. Muhiti, having entered into contact with the Soviet consul in Kashgar Smirnov, even tried to get weapons from the Soviet Union, but his appeal was rejected. Then, by contacting former Dungan opponents, in early April 1937, Muhiti was able to raise an uprising against the Xinjiang authorities. However, only two regiments of the 6th Uyghur Division, stationed north and south of Kashgar in [[Artux|Artush]] and [[Yengisar County|Yengihissar]], came out in his defence, while the other two regiments, 33rd and 34th, stationed in Kashgar itself, declared their loyalty to the Sheng's government.{{sfn|Gasanli|2016|pp=74–75}} Urged by the Soviets, Sheng's government sent a peacekeeping mission to Kashgar to resolve the conflict. The negotiations, however, did not take place. The Soviets tried to contact Ma Hushan, the new commander of the Dungan 36th Division, via Ma Zhongying, to disarm Muhiti's rebels. However, Muhiti, with 17 of his associated fled to British India on 2 April 1937.{{sfn|Gasanli|2016|p=76}} [[File:Abdul Niyaz with his soldiers.png|thumb|Abdul Niyaz with his soldiers in Kashgar during the rebellion]] After Muhiti's flight to British India, Muhiti's troops revolted. The revolt was Islamic in its nature.{{sfn|Dickens|1990|p=17}} Muhiti's officer Abdul Niyaz succeeded him and was proclaimed a general. Niyaz took Yarkand and moved towards Kashgar, eventually capturing it.{{sfn|Gasanli|2016|p=76}} Those with pro-Soviet inclinations were executed and thus new Muslim administration was established.{{sfn|Dickens|1990|p=17}} Simultaneously, the uprising spread amongst the Kirghiz near [[Kucha]] and among Muslims in Hami.{{sfn|Dickens|1990|p=17}} After capturing Kashgar, Niyaz's forces started to move towards [[Karashar]], receiving assistance from the local population along the way.{{sfn|Gasanli|2016|p=77}} In order to jointly fight against the Soviets and Chinese, Niyaz and Ma Hushan signed a secret agreement on 15 May.{{sfn|Gasanli|2016|p=77}} Ma Hushan used the opportunity and moved from [[Khotan]] to take over Kashgar from the rebels in June,{{sfn|Dickens|1990|p=17}} as promulgated by the agreement.{{sfn|Gasanli|2016|p=77}} However, 5,000 Soviet troops, including airborne and armoured vehicles were marching towards southern Xinjiang on Sheng's invitation along with Sheng's forces and [[Dungan people|Dungan]] troops.{{sfn|Dickens|1990|p=17}} The Turkic rebels were defeated and Kashgar retook.{{sfn|Dickens|1990|p=17}} After the defeat of the Turkic rebels, the Soviets also stopped maintaining the 36th Division.{{sfn|Gasanli|2016|p=72}} Ma Hushan's administration collapsed. By October 1937, along with the collapse of the Turkic rebellion and the Tungan satrapy, Muslim control over the southern part of the province ended. Soon afterwards, [[Yulbars Khan]] troops in Hami were also defeated. Thus, Sheng became the ruler of the whole province for the first time.{{sfn|Dickens|1990|p=17}} === 1937–38 purges === [[File:Sheng Shicai with Garegin Apresov.jpg|thumb|Sheng Shicai (fourth from right) with Garegin Apresov (fifth from right) and Chinese Minister of Education [[Chen Lifu]] (fifth from left) in Ürümqi, October 1937]] During the [[Xinjiang War (1937)|Islamic rebellion]], Sheng launched his own purge in Xinjiang to coincide with Stalin's [[Great Purge]].{{sfn|Forbes|1986|p=151}} Sheng started the elimination of "traitors", "pan-Turkists", "enemies of the people", "nationalists" and "imperialist spies". His purges swept the entire Uyghur and Hui political elite.{{sfn|Millward|2007|pp=209–210}} The [[NKVD]] provided the support during the purges.{{sfn|Forbes|1986|p=151}} In the later stages of the purge, Sheng turned against the "Trotskyites", mostly a group of Han Chinese sent to him by Moscow.{{sfn|Millward|2007|p=210}} In the group were Soviet General Consul Garegin Apresov, General Ma Hushan, [[Ma Shaowu]], [[Mahmut Muhiti|Mahmud Sijan]], the official leader of the Xinjiang province Huang Han-chang, and Hoja-Niyaz. Xinjiang came under virtual Soviet control.{{sfn|Forbes|1986|p=151}} It is estimated that between 50,000 and 100,000 people perished during the purge.{{sfn|Millward|2007|p=210}} In 1937, Sheng initiated a three-year plan for reconstruction, for which he received a Soviet loan of 15 million rubles.{{sfn|Lattimore|1950|p=75}} At Joseph Stalin's request, Sheng joined the [[Communist Party of the Soviet Union]] (CPSU) in August 1938 and received Party Card No.1859118 directly from Molotov during his secret visit to Moscow. However, Sheng did not set up the provincial branch of the CPSU in Xinjiang.{{sfn|De Cordier|2016|p=61}} Having eliminated many of his opponents, Sheng's administration had a staff shortage. For this reason, he turned to the [[Chinese Communist Party]] (CCP) in [[Ya'an]] for help. In the circumstances of the [[Second United Front]] against the Japanese, the CCP sent dozens of its [[Cadre system of the Chinese Communist Party|cadres]] to Xinjiang. The CCP members were mostly employed in high-level administrative, financial, educational and cultural ministerial posts in Ürümqi, Kashgar, Khotan and elsewhere, helping to implement Sheng's policies. They also maintained the only open communication line between Ya'an and the Soviet Union. Among those sent by the CCP was [[Mao Zemin]], a younger brother of [[Mao Zedong]], who served as Deputy Finance Minister.{{sfn|Millward|2007|p=210}} === Nationality policy === [[File:新疆汉族文化促进总会成立.jpg|thumb|Sheng Shicai (first row, third from left) at the founding of the Association for Promotion of the Han Chinese Culture]] During Sheng's rule, the Han Chinese represented only a small minority in Xinjiang. [[F. Gilbert Chan]] claimed that they made up only 6% of the population at the time,{{sfn|Chan|1983|p=366}} while Sheng himself during his visit in [[Moscow]] in 1938, told Kliment Voroshilov that the Han made around 10% (roughly 400,000 people) of the population of Xinjiang.{{sfn|Yulina|1938}} In his relationship with Xinjiang's non-Han populace, Sheng adopted the Soviet nationality policy.{{sfn|Jacobs|2011|p=347}}{{sfn|Clarke|2011|p=33}} The non-Han nationalities were for the first time included in the provincial government.{{sfn|Clarke|2011|p=33}}{{sfn|Rahman|2005|p=38-39}} The first principle of his Declaration of Ten Guiding Principles stated that "all nationalities enjoy equal rights in politics, economy, and education". He also reorganized Xinjiang Daily, the only regional newspaper at the time, to be issued in [[Mandarin Chinese|Mandarin]], [[Uyghur language|Uyghur]] and [[Kazakh language]]. The educational programme encouraged the Han to learn Uyghur and the Uyghurs to learn Mandarin.{{sfn|Rahman|2005|pp=38–39}} Sheng's nationality policy also entailed the establishment of the [[Turkic languages]] schools, the revival of madrassas (Islamic schools), the publication of the Turkic languages newspapers and the formation of the [[Uyghur Progress Union]].{{sfn|Clarke|2011|p=33}} Sheng initiated the idea of 14 separate nationalities in Xinjiang,{{sfn|Rahman|2005|p=39}} and these were Han Chinese, [[Uyghurs]], [[Mongols]], [[Kazakhs]], Muslims or Dungan, [[Sibe people|Sibe]], [[Solon people|Solon]], [[Manchu people|Manchu]], [[Kyrgyz people|Kyrgyz]], White [[Russians|Russian]], [[Taranchi]], [[Tajiks]], and [[Uzbeks]].{{sfn|Chan|1983|p=370}} To foster this idea, he encouraged the establishment of cultural societies for each nationality. The description of Xinjiang as a home of 14 nationalities, both in Xinjiang, as well as in proper China, brought Sheng popularity.{{sfn|Rahman|2005|p=39}} However, Sheng's policy was criticized by the [[Pan-Turkism|Pan-Turkic]] [[Jadidism|Jadidists]] and [[East Turkestan Independence Movement|East Turkestan Independence activists]] Muhammad Amin Bughra and [[Masud Sabri]], who rejected the Sheng's imposition of the name "Uyghur people" upon the Turkic people of Xinjiang. They wanted instead the name "Turkic nationality" (''Tujue zu'' in Chinese) to be applied to their people. Sabri also viewed the Hui people as Muslim Han Chinese and separate from his own people.{{sfn|Wei|Liu|2002|p=181}} Bughra accused Sheng of trying to sow disunion among the Turkic peoples.{{sfn|Millward|2007|p=209}} However, Sheng argued that such separation was necessary in order to guarantee the success of the future union.{{sfn|Chan|1983|p=376}} Another agenda from the Soviet Union Sheng implemented in Xinjiang was secularization with the purpose of undermining religious influence. Moreover, many Uyghurs and non-Han people were sent for education abroad, most notably in [[Tashkent]], [[Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic|Uzbek SSR]] to the [[Central Asia University]] or [[Central Asia Military Academy]]. With their return, these students would find employment as teachers or within the Xinjiang administration.{{sfn|Clarke|2011|pp=33–34}} Sheng's nationality policy served as a basis for the later [[China|Communist regime]]'s nationality policy in Xinjiang, with few exceptions.{{sfn|Millward|2007|p=209}} === Relations with the Soviet Union === [[File:Kaganovich Lazar 1936.jpg|thumb|Lazar Kaganovich]] In March 1935, [[Lazar Kaganovich]], who headed a newly established commission for developing areas of cooperation with Xinjiang, submitted a proposal to Politburo.{{sfn|Gasanli|2016|p=62}} Based on these proposals Politburo adopted a number of resolutions. Xinjiang received loans at low-interest rates, various economic assistance, and the sending of numerous consultants and specialists, which strengthened the position of Sheng's regime.{{sfn|Gasanli|2016|p=72}} Kaganovich proposed a trade turnover with Xinjiang in 1935 of 9750 thousand rubles, of which 5000 thousand rubles were to come to the share of import, and 4,750 thousand rubles from export operations. Since Kaganovich's proposal was deemed unrealistic, Politburo once again discussed the issue and adopted the resolution "On Trade with Xinjiang" in June. According to the resolution, imports from Xinjiang were reduced, while exports remained the same. The imports from Xinjiang included cotton, wool, leather, livestock, and other raw materials.{{sfn|Gasanli|2016|pp=62–63}} The second section of the proposal deals with financial issues. To improve the financial sector of the Xinjiang economy and strengthen the provincial currency, it was proposed to balance the budget as a priority task. To this end, it was envisaged to reduce costs in administrative and managerial and military areas, centralise expenses and tax operations, replace all taxes with general provincial taxes, ban the issuance of counterfeit money, reconstruct a provincial bank, etc.{{sfn|Gasanli|2016|p=64}} The proposal's third section were concerned with agriculture and the fourth with transport issues. In that matter, the construction of the main road connecting Xinjiang and the Soviet Union, the increase of cargo transportation along the Ili and Kara Irtysh Rivers and a number of other measures were planned here. These works were later expanded. In October 1937, begun the construction of the [[Sary-Tash]]–[[Sary-Ozek, Almaty Region|Sary-Ozek]]–Ürümqi–[[Lanzhou]] road with a length of 2,925 km, of which 230 km passed through the territory of the Soviet Union, 1,530 km through Xinjiang, and 1,165 km through the province of [[Gansu]]. Several thousands of Soviet citizens worked on the construction of the road.{{sfn|Gasanli|2016|p=64}} The fifth section of the proposals prepared by the Kaganovich Commission regulated the issues of commodity credit. According to this section, machines and equipment supplied by the Soviets for the industrial enterprises being built and reconstructed in Xinjiang were to be registered as commodity loans.{{sfn|Gasanli|2016|p=64}} The document related to the exploration work in Xinjiang stated that "geological exploration of minerals and, first of all, tin, in Xinjiang, was done at the expense of the USSR" and that the People's Commissar of Heavy Industry (NKTP) was to send a geological expedition.{{sfn|Gasanli|2016|p=64}} The search for [[tin]], [[tungsten]], and [[molybdenum]] was very important for the Soviets, so they established a special expedition for this task.{{sfn|Gasanli|2016|p=66}} The sixth section of the proposal dealt with personnel issues. The section suggests that the departments sending advisers and instructors to Xinjiang pay special attention to the qualitative selection of workers sent to Xinjiang. According to the Kaganovich Commission, the number of advisers and instructors sent to Xinjiang, including military consultants and instructors, should not exceed 50 people.{{sfn|Gasanli|2016|p=65}} {{Quote box|width=25em|align=left|bgcolor=#ACE1AF|quote=During these recent years our Xinjiang has received both moral and material friendly aid from your country, for which we are extraordinarily grateful. Such a grant of a loan of five million gold rubles at low interest without any conditions is the first case in the history of the foreign loans of China. The devoted and sharp work of the military instructors, advisers, engineers, doctors, and other workers you have assigned to us has not occurred in the previous history of foreign specialists invited by China. We believe that all this aid from you to us is based on your policy of peace, that such aid is being given to us for the sake of our peace, so that we can pursue peaceful construction, so the peoples of all nationalities can pursue a peaceful life, and so we can establish everlasting friendly and peaceful relations with you.|source=—Sheng's letter to [[Vyacheslav Molotov]], 4 October 1936{{sfn|Sheng|1936}} }} On 11 September 1935, Politburo adopted five resolutions regarding Xinjiang. In the second resolution, it decided to amend the Kaganovich proposal for the establishment of the joint-stock company and to replace it with a special Soviet trading office. Additionally, Politburo discussed the issue of "Xinjiang Oil" and adopted a resolution. The resolution called for the preparation of the development of oil near the Soviet border under the firm of the Xinjiang government.{{sfn|Gasanli|2016|pp=65–66}} Exploration was carried out in accordance with this decision and in 1938 oil fields were discovered in Shikho. The same year, the joint Xinjiang-Soviet company "Xinjiangneft" was established.{{sfn|Gasanli|2016|p=66}} Also, General Consul Apresov was given extended powers. Soviet officials in Xinjiang needed his permission to take any action and he could dismiss any Soviet worker "who did not know how to behave in a foreign country". Two days later he was awarded the [[Order of Lenin]] "for successful work in Xinjiang".{{sfn|Gasanli|2016|pp=67–68}} Along with decisions concerning the economy, Politburo also adopted a resolution on the possibility for Xinjiang young people to receive education in the USSR. At first, there was a quota for 15 students, which was expanded to 100 in June 1936. In the 1930s, 30,000 Xinjiang people, preferably Chinese, received education in the various specialties in the Soviet Union.{{sfn|Gasanli|2016|p=68}} The resolutions also concerned the reconstruction of the Xinjiang army. The Soviet Union sent equipment and instructors for this end. Xinjiang received aircraft, equipment for aviation, rifle-machine-guns and artillery workshops, uniforms, personal supplies, and other military equipment. Soviets also opened pilot schools to train local airmen. The Soviets also proposed the reduction of army to 10,000 men, but Sheng refused this proposal and instead reduced it to 20,000 men.{{sfn|Gasanli|2016|p=69}} In an agreement from 16 May 1935, ratified without consent from the Chinese government, the Soviet government provided substantial financial and material aid, including a five-year loan of five million "gold rubles" (Sheng actually received silver bullion). At about the same time, again without consent from the Chinese government, Soviet geologists started a survey of Xinjiang's mineral resources. The result was Soviet oil drilling at [[Dushanzi District|Dushanzi]].{{sfn|Forbes|1986|p=136}} During Sheng's rule, Xinjiang's trade came under Soviet control.{{sfn|Malik|2016|p=215}} The Soviet General Consul in Ürümqi was effectively in control of governing,{{sfn|Wang|1999|p=53}}{{sfn|Li|2006|p=161}} with Sheng required to consult them for any decision he made.{{sfn|Wang|1999|p=53}} [[Alexander Gregory Barmine|Alexander Barmine]], the Soviet official responsible for supplying arms to Sheng, wrote that Xinjiang was "a Soviet colony in all but name".{{sfn|Forbes|1986|p=136}} The Soviet stranglehold around Xinjiang was further enhanced through a secret agreement signed on 1 January 1936. The agreement included a Soviet guarantee to come to the aid of Xinjiang "politically, economically and by armed force... in case of some external attack upon the province". By mid-1936, a significant number of Soviet specialists were active in Xinjiang involved in construction, education, health, and military training. The [[Russian language]] replaced [[English language|English]] as the foreign language taught in schools. A number of Muslim youths, including Muslim girls, were sent to Soviet Central Asia for education. Sheng's government implemented atheistic propaganda, and Muslim women were encouraged to appear in public without a veil.{{sfn|Forbes|1986|pp=136–137}}
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