Editing Democracy (section)

===Influence of the media===
{{Further|Mediatization (media)|Crowd manipulation|Media manipulation|Post-truth politics}}

The theory of democracy relies on the implicit assumption that voters are well informed about [[social issue]]s, policies, and candidates so that they can make a truly informed decision. Since the late 20th century there has been a growing concern that voters may be poorly informed due to the [[news media]]'s focusing more on entertainment and gossip and less on serious journalistic research on political issues.<ref name="MacChesney1999">{{cite book|last1=MacChesney|first1=Robert W|title=Rich media, poor democracy: Communication politics in dubious times|date=1999|publisher=University of Illinois Press}}</ref><ref name="Barnett2002">{{cite journal|last1=Barnett|first1=Steven|title=Will a crisis in journalism provoke a crisis in democracy?|journal=The Political Quarterly|date=2002|volume=73|issue=4|pages=400–408|doi=10.1111/1467-923X.00494}}</ref>

The media professors Michael Gurevitch and [[Jay Blumler]] have proposed a number of functions that the mass media are expected to fulfill in a democracy:<ref name="GurevitchBlumler1990">{{cite book|last1=Gurevitch|first1=Michael|last2=Blumler|first2=Jay G.|editor1-last=Lichtenberg|editor1-first=Judith|title=Democracy and the mass media: A collection of essays|date=1990|publisher=Cambridge University Press|pages=269–289|chapter=Political Communication Systems and Democratic Values}}</ref>
* Surveillance of the sociopolitical environment
* Meaningful [[agenda setting]]
* Platforms for an intelligible and illuminating advocacy
* Dialogue across a diverse range of views
* Mechanisms for holding officials to account for how they have exercised power
* Incentives for citizens to learn, choose, and become involved
* A principled resistance to the efforts of forces outside the media to subvert their independence, integrity, and ability to serve the audience
* A sense of respect for the audience member, as potentially concerned and able to make sense of his or her political environment

This proposal has inspired a lot of discussions over whether the news media are actually fulfilling the requirements that a well functioning democracy requires.<ref name="Bucy1999">{{cite journal|last1=Bucy|first1=Erik P.|last2=D'Angelo|first2=Paul|title=The Crisis of Political Communication: Normative Critiques of News and Democratic Processes|journal=Communication Yearbook|date=1999|volume=22|pages=301–339}}</ref>
Commercial mass media are generally not accountable to anybody but their owners, and they have no obligation to serve a democratic function.<ref name="Bucy1999" /><ref name="Blumler2014">{{cite book|last1=Blumler|first1=Jay G.|editor1-last=Esser|editor1-first=Frank|editor2-last=Strömbäck|editor2-first=Jesper|title=Mediatization of politics: Understanding the transformation of Western democracies|date=2014|publisher=Springer|pages=31–41|chapter=Mediatization and Democracy}}</ref> They are controlled mainly by economic [[market forces]]. Fierce economic competition may force the mass media to divert themselves from any democratic ideals and focus entirely on how to survive the competition.<ref name="Donges2014">{{cite book|last1=Donges|first1=Patrick|last2=Jarren|first2=Otfried|editor1-last=Esser|editor1-first=Frank|editor2-last=Strömbäck|editor2-first=Jesper|title=Mediatization of politics: Understanding the transformation of Western democracies|date=2014|publisher=Springer|pages=31–41|chapter=Mediatization of Organizations: Changing Parties and Interest Groups?}}</ref><ref name="Esser2013">{{cite book|last1=Esser|first1=Frank|editor1-last=Kriesi|editor1-first=Hanspeter|editor2-last=Esser|editor2-first=Frank|editor3-last=Bühlmann|editor3-first=Marc|title=Democracy in the Age of Globalization and Mediatization|date=2013|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|pages=155–176|chapter=Mediatization as a Challenge: Media Logic versus Political Logic}}</ref>

The [[Tabloid journalism|tabloidization]] and popularization of the news media is seen in an increasing focus on human examples rather than statistics and principles. There is more focus on politicians as personalities and less focus on political issues in the popular media. Election campaigns are covered more as [[horse race journalism|horse races]] and less as debates about ideologies and issues. The dominating media focus on [[Spin (propaganda)|spin]], conflict, and competitive strategies has made voters perceive the politicians as egoists rather than idealists. This fosters mistrust and a [[Cynicism (contemporary)|cynical]] attitude to politics, less [[civic engagement]], and less interest in voting.<ref name="CappellaJamieson1997">{{cite book|last1=Cappella|first1=Joseph N.|last2=Jamieson|first2=Kathleen Hall|title=Spiral of cynicism: The press and the public good|date=1997|publisher=Oxford University Press}}</ref><ref name="Vreese2014">{{cite book|last1=Vreese|first1=Claes H. de|editor1-last=Esser|editor1-first=Frank|editor2-last=Strömbäck|editor2-first=Jesper|title=Mediatization of politics: Understanding the transformation of Western democracies|date=2014|publisher=Springer|pages=137–155|chapter=Mediatization of News: The Role of Journalistic Framing}}</ref><ref name="EsserMatthes2013" />
The ability to find effective political solutions to social problems is hampered when problems tend to be blamed on individuals rather than on [[Social structure|structural causes]].<ref name="Vreese2014" />
This person-centered focus may have far-reaching consequences not only for domestic problems but also for foreign policy when international conflicts are blamed on foreign heads of state rather than on political and economic structures.<ref name="Baum2003">{{cite book|last1=Baum|first1=Matthew A.|title=Soft news goes to war. Public opinion and american foreign policy in the new media era|date=2003|publisher=Princeton University Press}}</ref><ref name="Altheide2002">{{cite book|last1=Altheide|first1=David L.|title=Creating fear: News and the construction of crisis|date=2002|publisher=Aldine de Gruyter|isbn=978-1-138-52143-8}}</ref>
A strong media focus on fear and [[terrorism]] has allowed military logic to penetrate public institutions, leading to increased [[surveillance]] and the erosion of [[civil rights]].<ref name="Altheide2014" />

The responsiveness<ref>{{cite journal|url=https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414016633226|doi=10.1177/0010414016633226|title=Advances in the Study of Democratic Responsiveness: An Introduction|year=2017|last1=Esaiasson|first1=Peter|last2=Wlezien|first2=Christopher|journal=Comparative Political Studies|volume=50|issue=6|pages=699–710|s2cid=155126179}}</ref> and [[accountability]] of the democratic system is compromised when lack of access to substantive, diverse, and undistorted information is handicapping the citizens' capability of evaluating the political process.<ref name="Blumler2014" /><ref name="EsserMatthes2013">{{cite book|last1=Esser|first1=Frank|last2=Matthes|first2=Jörg|editor1-last=Kriesi|editor1-first=Hanspeter|editor2-last=Esser|editor2-first=Frank|editor3-last=Bühlmann|editor3-first=Marc|title=Democracy in the Age of Globalization and Mediatization|date=2013|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|pages=177–201|chapter=Mediatization Effects on Political News, Political Actors, Political Decisions, and Political Audiences}}</ref>
The fast pace and trivialization in the competitive news media is [[dumbing down]] the political debate. Thorough and balanced investigation of complex political issues does not fit into this format. The political communication is characterized by short time horizons, short slogans, simple explanations, and simple solutions. This is conducive to political [[populism]] rather than serious deliberation.<ref name="Blumler2014" /><ref name="Altheide2014">{{cite book|last1=Altheide|first1=David L.|title=Media edge: Media logic and social reality|date=2014|publisher=Peter Lang}}</ref>

Commercial mass media are often differentiated along the political spectrum so that people can hear mainly opinions that they already agree with. Too much controversy and diverse opinions are not always profitable for the commercial news media.<ref name="Nielsen2016">{{cite book|last1=Nielsen|first1=Rasmus Kleis|editor1-last=Witschge|editor1-first=Tamara|editor2-last=Anderson|editor2-first=Christopher William|editor3-last=Domingo|editor3-first=David|editor4-last=Hermida|editor4-first=Alfred|title=The SAGE Handbook of Digital Journalism|date=2016|publisher=Sage|pages=51–67|chapter=The Business of News}}</ref>
[[Political polarization]] is emerging when different people read different news and watch different TV channels. This polarization has been worsened by the emergence of the [[social media]] that allow people to communicate mainly with groups of like-minded people, the so-called [[echo chamber]]s.<ref name="Cinelli2021">{{cite journal|last1=Cinelli|first1=Matteo|last2=Morales|first2=Gianmarco De Francisci|last3=Galeazzi|first3=Alessandro|last4=Quattrociocchi|first4=Walter|last5=Starnini|first5=Michele|title=The echo chamber effect on social media|journal=Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences|date=2021|volume=18|issue=9|pages=e2023301118|doi=10.1073/pnas.2023301118|pmid=33622786|pmc=7936330|bibcode=2021PNAS..11823301C|doi-access=free}}</ref>
Extreme political polarization may undermine the trust in democratic institutions, leading to erosion of [[civil rights]] and [[free speech]] and in some cases even reversion to [[autocracy]].<ref name="McCoySomer2019">{{cite journal|last1=McCoy|first1=Jennifer|last2=Somer|first2=Murat|title=Toward a Theory of Pernicious Polarization and How It Harms Democracies: Comparative Evidence and Possible Remedies|journal=The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science|date=2019|volume=681|issue=1|pages=234–271|doi=10.1177/0002716218818782|s2cid=150169330|doi-access=free}}</ref>

Many media scholars have discussed non-commercial news media with [[Public service broadcasting|public service]] obligations as a means to improve the democratic process by providing the kind of political contents that a free market does not provide.<ref name="Cushion2012">{{cite book|last1=Cushion|first1=Stephen|title=The Democratic Value of News: Why Public Service Media Matter|date=2012|publisher=Macmillan}}</ref><ref name="CushionFranklin2015">{{cite book|last1=Cushion|first1=Stephen|last2=Franklin|first2=Bob|editor1-last=Coleman|editor1-first=Stephen|editor2-last=Moss|editor2-first=Giles|editor3-last=Parry|editor3-first=Katy|editor4-last=Halperin|editor4-first=John|editor5-last=Ryan|editor5-first=Michael|title=Can the Media Serve Democracy?: Essays in Honour of Jay G. Blumler|date=2015|publisher=Springer|pages=65–75|chapter=Public Service Broadcasting: Markets and Vulnerable Values in Broadcast and Print Journalism}}</ref>
The [[World Bank]] has recommended public service broadcasting in order to strengthen democracy in [[developing countries]]. These broadcasting services should be accountable to an independent regulatory body that is adequately protected from interference from political and economic interests.<ref name="Buckley2008">{{cite book|last1=Buckley|first1=Steve|last2=Duer|first2=Kreszentia|last3=Mendel|first3=Toby|last4=Siochrú|first4=Seán Ó|title=Broadcasting, voice, and accountability: A public interest approach to policy, law, and regulation|date=2008|publisher=World Bank and University of Michigan Press}}</ref>
Public service media have an obligation to provide reliable information to voters. Many countries have publicly funded radio and television stations with public service obligations, especially in Europe and Japan,<ref name="GuntherMugham">{{cite book|last1=Gunther|first1=Richard|last2=Mugham|first2=Anthony|editor1-last=Gunther|editor1-first=Richard|editor2-last=Mugham|editor2-first=Anthony|title=Democracy and the Media: A Comparative Perspective|date=2000|publisher=Cambridge University Press|pages=402–448|chapter=The Political Impact of the Media: A Reassessment}}</ref> while such media are weak or non-existent in other countries including the US.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Pickard|first1=Victor|editor1-last=Bennett|editor1-first=W. Lance|editor2-last=Livingston|editor2-first=Steven|title=The Disinformation Age: Politics, Technology, and Disruptive Communication in the United States|date=2020|publisher=Cambridge University Press|pages=238–258|chapter=The Public Media Option: Confronting Policy Failure in an Age of Misinformation}}</ref>
Several studies have shown that the stronger the dominance of commercial broadcast media over public service media, the less the amount of policy-relevant information in the media and the more focus on [[horse race journalism]], personalities, and the pecadillos of politicians. Public service broadcasters are characterized by more policy-relevant information and more respect for [[Journalism ethics and standards|journalistic norms]] and [[impartiality]] than the commercial media. However, the trend of [[deregulation]] has put the public service model under increased pressure from competition with commercial media.<ref name="GuntherMugham" /><ref name="Udris2014">{{cite book|last1=Udris|first1=Linards|last2=Lucht|first2=Jens|editor1-last=Esser|editor1-first=Frank|editor2-last=Strömbäck|editor2-first=Jesper|title=Mediatization of politics: Understanding the transformation of Western democracies|chapter=Mediatization at the Structural Level: Independence from Politics, Dependence on the Market|date=2014|publisher=Springer|pages=114–136}}</ref><ref name="Thoday2018">{{cite book|last1=Thoday|first1=Jon|editor1-last=Freedman|editor1-first=Des|editor2-last=Goblot|editor2-first=Vana|title=A Future for Public Service Television|date=2018|publisher=MIT Press|pages=29–39|chapter=Public Service Television and the Crisis of Content}}</ref>

The emergence of the [[internet]] and the [[social media]] has profoundly altered the conditions for political communication. The social media have given ordinary citizens easy access to voice their opinion and share information while bypassing the [[Gatekeeping (communication)|filters]] of the large news media. This is often seen as an advantage for democracy.<ref name="Schulz2014">{{cite book|last1=Schulz|first1=Winfried|editor1-last=Esser|editor1-first=Frank|editor2-last=Strömbäck|editor2-first=Jesper|title=Mediatization of politics: Understanding the transformation of Western democracies|chapter=Mediatization and New Media|date=2014|publisher=Springer|pages=114–136}}</ref> The new possibilities for communication have fundamentally changed the way [[social movement]]s and [[protest movements]] operate and organize. The internet and social media have provided powerful new tools for democracy movements in developing countries and [[emerging democracies]], enabling them to bypass [[censorship]], voice their opinions, and organize protests.<ref name="Zhuravskaya2020">{{cite journal|last1=Zhuravskaya|first1=Ekaterina|last2=Petrova|first2=Maria|author2-link=Maria Petrova (economist)|last3=Enikolopov|first3=Ruben|title=Political effects of the internet and social media|journal=Annual Review of Economics|date=2020|volume=12|pages=415–438|doi=10.1146/annurev-economics-081919-050239|s2cid=219769484|doi-access=free}}</ref><ref name="Voltmer2019">{{cite book|last1=Voltmer|first1=Katrin|last2=Sorensen|first2=Lone|editor1-last=Voltmer|editor1-first=Katrin|display-editors=etal|title=Media, Communication and the Struggle for Democratic Change|date=2019|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|pages=35–58|chapter=Media, Power, Citizenship: The Mediatization of Democratic Change}}</ref>

A serious problem with the social media is that they have no truth filters. The established news media have to guard their reputation as trustworthy, while ordinary citizens may post unreliable information.<ref name="Zhuravskaya2020" /> In fact, studies show that false stories are going more [[Viral phenomenon|viral]] than true stories.<ref name="Vosoughi2018">{{cite journal|last1=Vosoughi|first1=Soroush|last2=Roy|first2=Deb|last3=Aral|first3=Sinan|title=The spread of true and false news online|journal=Science|date=2018|volume=359|issue=6380|pages=1146–1151|doi=10.1126/science.aap9559|pmid=29590045|bibcode=2018Sci...359.1146V|s2cid=4549072|url=http://vermontcomplexsystems.org/share/papershredder/vosoughi2018a.pdf|access-date=12 October 2021|archive-date=29 April 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190429073158/http://vermontcomplexsystems.org/share/papershredder/vosoughi2018a.pdf|url-status=dead}}</ref><ref name="Prooijen2021">{{cite journal|last1=Prooijen|first1=Jan-Willem van|last2=Ligthart|first2=Joline|last3=Rosema|first3=Sabine|title=The entertainment value of conspiracy theories|journal=British Journal of Psychology|date=2021|volume=113|issue=1|pages=25–48|doi=10.1111/bjop.12522|pmid=34260744|pmc=9290699|doi-access=free}}</ref>
The proliferation of false stories and [[conspiracy theories]] may undermine public trust in the political system and public officials.<ref name="Prooijen2021" /><ref name="McCoySomer2019" />

Reliable information sources are essential for the democratic process. Less democratic governments rely heavily on [[censorship]], [[propaganda]], and [[misinformation]] in order to stay in power, while independent sources of information are able to undermine their legitimacy.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Egorov|first1=Georgy|last2=Sonin|first2=Konstantin|title=The political economics of non-democracy|date=2020|publisher=National Bureau of Economic Research|id=NBER Working Paper No. w27949|url=https://ssrn.com/abstract=3714441}}</ref>