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Ilinden–Preobrazhenie Uprising
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==Aftermath== {{See also|Macedonian Struggle}} [[File:Mokreni.jpg|thumb|180px|Ruins of the village of [[Mokreni]] after the uprising.]] [[File:The Balkan boundaries after 1913.jpg|thumb|200px|right|The partition of Macedonia and Thrace in 1913.]] A reason for the failure of the uprising was the absence of outside support by the Great Powers and neighboring countries. Another reason was because they were insufficiently prepared in terms of preparation (training, strategy and planning) and the insufficient weapons they had.<ref name="nla" /> According to Bulgarian figures, 9,830 houses were burned down and 60,953 people were left homeless.<ref name="jp">{{cite book |title=The New Macedonian Question |date=1999 |isbn=9780312222406 |publisher=St. Martin's Press |editor=James Pettifer |pages=10–11, 31}}</ref> After the suppression of the uprising, 30,000 Bulgarian Christians from Ottoman Macedonia and Thrace went to the [[Principality of Bulgaria]].<ref>{{cite book |title=Muslim Land, Christian Labor: Transforming Ottoman Imperial Subjects Into Bulgarian National Citizens, C. 1878-1939 |isbn=9789633861615 |date=2017 |publisher=Central European University Press |page=192 |author=Anna M. Mirkova}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |editor1=Victoria Hudson |editor2=Lucian N. Leustean |title=Religion and Forced Displacement in Eastern Europe, the Caucasus, and Central Asia |date=2022 |publisher=Amsterdam University Press |isbn=9789463727556 |page=72}}</ref> Half of these refugees came from Eastern Thrace.<ref name="mig">{{cite book |title=Migration in the Southern Balkans: From Ottoman Territory to Globalized Nation States |isbn=9783319137193 |date=2015 |editor1=Hans Vermeulen |editor2=Martin Baldwin-Edwards |editor3=Riki van van Boeschoten |pages=68, 76}}</ref> An IMARO memorandum issued in 1904 made the following estimates: 5,000 casualties, 205 villages burned down, 70,000 homeless, 30,000 refugees to Bulgaria and the United States.<ref name="db" /> According to Georgi Khadzhiev, 201 villages and 12,400 houses were burned, 4,694 people killed, with some 30,000 refugees fleeing to Bulgaria.<ref name="Khadzhiev1992"/> 2,500 people were killed in Thrace.<ref name="mig" /> In Bulgaria, the movement of refugees was taken care of by the government and Slavic charity societies.<ref name="nla" /> Relief missions were organized and sent to the affected villages.<ref name="iy" /> Around 1,000 insurgents were killed. Relief organizations estimated more than 4,500 dead, with 200 villages destroyed by Ottoman forces, during and after the uprising. At least 3,000 rapes were reported, and more than 100,000 people were left homeless for the winter.<ref name="lod" /> The uprising did succeed in bringing the intervention of the Great Powers, to some extent.<ref name="jp" /> In October, [[Franz Joseph I of Austria|Franz Joseph of Austria-Hungary]] and [[Nicholas II of Russia]] met at [[Mürzsteg]] and sponsored the [[Mürzsteg Agreement|Mürzsteg program of reforms]], which provided for foreign policing of the Macedonia region, financial compensation for victims, and establishment of ethnic boundaries in the region.<ref name=Jelavich1977/> The Mürzsteg Agreement was reached on October 2, 1903, which was accepted reluctantly by Abdul Hamid on November 25.<ref>{{cite book |title=Talaat Pasha: Father of Modern Turkey, Architect of Genocide |date=2020 |publisher=Princeton University Press |author=Hans-Lukas Kieser |isbn=9780691202587 |page=46}}</ref> Writing after the uprising in 1903, [[Krste Misirkov]] called it a "complete fiasco" and argued that the main reason why the uprising failed was due to its "Bulgarian bias", although he also argued that it "prevented Macedonia from being partitioned."<ref name="ah" /> He also wrote: "The only Macedonian Slavs who played a leading part in the uprising were those who called themselves Bulgarians", while also expressing the sentiment that due to the uprising, "Macedonia has become lost to the Bulgarian nation".<ref name="reg" /> In 1904, Bulgaria signed a treaty with the Ottoman Empire. Both parties promised to police their common borders more effectively.<ref name="bulg" /> It also enabled Bulgaria to secure the release of all political prisoners of the Ilinden uprising.<ref name="jh">{{cite book |title=The Macedonian Slavs in the Greek Civil War, 1944–1949 |date=2019 |publisher=Lexington Books |isbn=9781498585057 |author=James Horncastle |page=31}}</ref> All political prisoners, including participants and organizers of the Ilinden uprising, were released.<ref name="iy" /> However, Bulgaria covertly supported the former prisoners.<ref name="jh" /> Through the Bulgarian-Ottoman agreement, Bulgaria promised to refrain from helping the guerrilla units in Macedonia, while the Ottoman Empire promised to implement the Mürzsteg Reforms. Neither happened.<ref name="rd" /> As soon as order appeared to be re-established, international aid was organized. [[France]] permitted the communities of Lazarites and the [[Daughters of Charity of Saint Vincent de Paul|Daughters of Charity]] (already established in Macedonia) to help the victims of the uprising. In coordination with the English and American Protestant missions, French religious organizations distributed food supplies, blankets, and clothing in the Manastir vilayet.<ref name="iy" /> In 1904, Bulgarian women's organizations were appealing to the consulates of the Great Powers to secure the release of Bulgarian women who were arrested by the Ottoman authorities due to their participation in the Ilinden uprising.<ref name="wm" /> British anthropologist [[Edith Durham]], who visited Macedonia after the Ilinden uprising as a member of the British Relief Mission, described the uprising as purely Bulgarian, while also claiming that the purpose of the uprising was "to make Big Bulgaria, not Great Serbia."<ref name="ah" /> A year after the uprising, many of the refugees had returned. The Ottoman inspectorate kept registers of Bulgarian teachers, including their names, places of birth, past appointments, and any information on their ties to the IMARO. If the administrative council of a village could not vouch for the character of a teacher and report their location, the teacher would be not allowed to work and remain in their place of birth.<ref name="iy" /> In the beginning of 1904, the Bitola Regional Committee of IMARO ordered voivodes of southern Macedonia to forcibly convert the Patriarchist villages to the Exarchate. In a couple of weeks, around 40 villages had been forcibly converted. This policy was opposed by [[Gyorche Petrov]], but the Regional Congress in Bitola in the summer of 1904 overruled objections.<ref name="va" /> In 1904, the Bulgarian government used its control over the Supremists to assume authority over IMARO. However, this resulted in IMARO splitting into a right-wing headed by [[Ivan Garvanov]] and [[Boris Sarafov]], which favored a pro-Bulgarian stance and a left-wing headed by [[Yane Sandanski]], which favored an autonomous Macedonia as part of the [[Balkan Federation]].<ref name="jh" /> The Greek government decided to sponsor paramilitary activities in Ottoman Macedonia.<ref name="col">{{cite book |title=Collective Memory, National Identity, and Ethnic Conflict: Greece, Bulgaria, and the Macedonian Question |isbn=9780275976484 |publisher=Bloomsbury Academic |date=2002 |author=Victor Roudometof |pages=54, 59, 61–62, 68, 94}}</ref> Greek and Serbian bands used the weakening of Bulgarian activity to strengthen themselves and staged a series of attacks in Macedonia.<ref>{{cite book |title=The Routledge Handbook of Balkan and Southeast European History |publisher=Taylor & Francis Group |date=2021 |isbn=9780429464799 |editor1=John R. Lampe |editor2=Ulf Brunnbauer |pages=78, 126}}</ref> The two wings engaged in outright conflict which meant mafia-style killings on a larger scale. In this style, Garvanov and Sarafov were assassinated in 1907 by [[Todor Panitsa]] on the order of Sandanski.<ref name= "Palairet 2016"/> The [[Balkan Wars]] of 1912 and 1913 subsequently split up Macedonia and Thrace. Serbia took a portion of Macedonia in the north, which roughly corresponds to [[North Macedonia]]. Greece took [[Macedonia (Greece)|south Macedonia]], and Bulgaria was only able to obtain a small region in the northeast, [[Pirin Macedonia]].<ref name=Jelavich1977/> The Ottomans managed to keep the Adrianople region, where the whole [[Thracian Bulgarians|Thracian Bulgarian]] population was subjected to [[ethnic cleansing]] by the Ottoman Empire.<ref>Academician [[Lyubomir Miletich]], "The Destruction of Thracian Bulgarians in 1913", p. 11, [[Bulgarian Academy of Sciences]], Sofia, State printing house, 1918. On-line publication of the phototype reprint of the first edition of the book in Bulgarian (in Bulgarian "Разорението на тракийските българи през 1913 година", Българска академия на науките, София, Държавна печатница, 1918 г.; II фототипно издание, Културно-просветен клуб "Тракия" - София, 1989 г., София).</ref> The rest of Thrace was divided between Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey following World War I and the [[Greco-Turkish War (1919-1922)|Greco-Turkish War]]. Most of the local Bulgarian political and cultural figures were persecuted or expelled from Serbian and Greek parts of Macedonia and Thrace, where all structures of the [[Bulgarian Exarchate]] were abolished. Thousands of Macedonian Slavs left for Bulgaria. Some fled after the Greeks burned [[Kilkis]], during the [[Second Balkan War]], and the [[Treaty of Neuilly-sur-Seine|Treaty of Neuilly]] population exchange between Greece and Bulgaria saw 92,000 Bulgarians exchanged with 46,000 Greeks from Bulgaria.<ref>{{Cite web|title=The Greek-Bulgarian exchange of populations|url=http://www.macedonian-heritage.gr/HellenicMacedonia/en/EA.4.1.1b.html#:~:text=The%20Greek%2DBulgarian%20exchange%20of%20populations&text=During%20the%20Peace%20Conference%2C%20Greece,the%20drawing%20of%20the%20frontier.|access-date=20 November 2021|website=Macedonian Heritage}}</ref> Bulgarian (including the Macedonian dialects) was prohibited, and its surreptitious use, whenever detected, was ridiculed or punished.<ref>"The immediate effect of the partition was the anti-Bulgarian campaign in areas under Serbian and Greek rule. The Serbians expelled Exarchist churchmen and teachers and closed Bulgarian schools and churches (affecting the standing of as many as 641 schools and 761 churches). Thousands of Macedonian Slavs left for Bulgaria, joining a still larger stream from devastated Aegean Macedonia, where the Greeks burned Kukush, the center of Bulgarian politics and culture, as well as much of Serres and Drama. Bulgarian (including the Macedonian Slavic dialects) was prohibited, and its surreptitious use, whenever detected, was ridiculed or punished.", Ivo Banac, in ''The National Question in Yugoslavia. Origins, History, Politics'', pp. 307–328, Cornell University Press, 1984, retrieved on September 6, 2007.</ref>
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