Editing Kavad II (section)

== Reign ==
===Execution of his father and brothers===
[[Image:Enthronement of Shirwi, son of Khusraw.jpg|thumb|Folio from the ''[[Shahnameh]]'' depicting the enthronement of Kavad II. Created in 1518 in [[Tabriz]], [[Safavid Iran]]]]
The conspirators that overthrew Khosrow II and installed Kavad II on the throne were composed of several powerful dynastic factions; the ''Nemrozi'' faction led by [[Mihr Hormozd]]; [[Shahrbaraz]], who represented a branch of the [[House of Mihran|Mihran family]]; the [[House of Ispahbudhan]] represented by [[Farrukh Hormizd]] and his two sons [[Rostam Farrokhzad]] and [[Farrukhzad]]; the [[Sasanian Armenia|Armenian]] faction represented by [[Varaztirots II Bagratuni]]; and the [[Kanarang]]iyan. At this juncture, the Iranian army had been split into three separate armies; the army of Adurbadagan led by Farrukh Hormizd; the occupation army of Shahrbaraz; and the army of [[Šahrestānīhā ī Ērānšahr#Kusts of Eranshahr|Nemroz]], led by Mihr Hormozd.{{sfn|Pourshariati|2008|p=173}}

Right after Kavad II's accession, the grandees pressured him to have Khosrow II executed, telling him that "It is not fitting that we should have two kings: either you kill Khosrow, and we will be your faithful and obedient servants, or we shall depose you and give our obedience to him [Khosrow] just as we always did before you secured the royal power."{{sfn|Pourshariati|2008|p=156}} Kavad II, terrified and devastated, dispatched Asfadjushnas as a deputy to Khosrow II.{{sfn|Pourshariati|2008|pp=156–157}} Asfadjushnas' task was to explain to Khosrow II all the crimes he had committed, and the reasons for his removal and eventual execution. The lengthy discussion between the two is recounted by [[al-Tabari]]. Agitated, Kavad II ordered his father to be executed. Although various figures wanted vengeance upon Khosrow II, no one dared to commit [[regicide]]. Mihr Hormozd eventually volunteered.{{sfn|Pourshariati|2008|p=157}} He was the son of Mardanshah, the former ''[[padgospan]]'' of Nemroz, who had at his own request been executed by Khosrow II, due to being mutilated and dishonored by the latter.{{sfn|Pourshariati|2008|pp=157–158}} Khosrow II was executed on 28 February 628.{{sfn|Howard-Johnston|2020|p=319}}

It was also either during this period or later, that Kavad II had all his brothers (17 or 18 of them) executed.{{efn|The 9th-century historian [[Abu Hanifa Dinawari|Dinawari]] mentioned a son of [[Khosrow II]] and [[Gordiya]], named [[Juvansher]], as later ruling as ''shahanshah''. If true, it would mean that Juvansher managed to avoid Kavad II's slaughter of his brothers. This king remains obscure, and none of his coins have yet been found.{{sfn|Al-Tabari|1985–2007|loc=v. 5: p. 404 (note 996)}}}}{{sfn|Schindel|2022}} This was done at the instigation of his minister [[Piruz Khosrow]] and Shamta, the son of Khosrow II's treasurer [[Yazdin]].{{sfn|Pourshariati|2008|p=175 (see also note 950)}}{{sfn|Bonner|2020|p=314}} Al-Tabari describes the executed brothers as "men of good education, bravery, and the manly virtues".{{sfn|Al-Tabari|1985–2007|loc=v. 5: p. 398}} He adds that Kavad II was scolded by his sisters [[Boran]] and [[Azarmidokht]] for his actions, which caused him to become remorseful.{{sfn|Al-Tabari|1985–2007|loc=v. 5: p. 399}}

=== Peace negotiations with the Byzantine Empire ===
Following his accession, Kavad II sent two groups of deputies to inform Heraclius of his victory. The first group was composed of a Persian and an Armenian, sent in advance to make preparations for the safe passage of the other group, led by Chosdaï, a high-rank royal secretary. The first group met with Heraclius on 24 March, where they gave him a letter from Chosdaï, which said that the latter was on his way with a group of delegates from the government and would be bringing written suggestions from the new ''shahanshah''.{{sfn|Howard-Johnston|2020|p=321}} On 3 April, Heraclius met with Chosdaï, who gave him a letter from Kavad II as well as lavish gifts.{{sfn|Howard-Johnston|2020|pp=321–322}} There Chosdaï provided thoroughly thought-out peace offers. After consolidating his position, Kavad II had turned to the Sasanian Empire's most influential constituency—the noble estate—for formal permission to begin peace negotiations with the Byzantines. This was easily gained, as the coup against Khosrow II owed its success to the extensive [[war-weariness]] and vehement dissatisfaction at many of the policies implemented in order to prolong the [[war effort]].{{sfn|Howard-Johnston|2020|p=322}}

It was acknowledged that the majority of Khosrow II's enormous territorial gains would need to be given up. However, it was not what the exact frontier line should look like. Although Byzantium and Iran had been neighbours for a very long time, a precise definition of their geographic boundaries had not been established. Arguments could be made in favor of all of the several frontiers that had separated their lands since the resurgence of Iranian authority in the middle of the 3rd-century, due to the lack of any evident topographical, ethnic, or cultural line of boundary south or north of the Armenian [[Taurus Mountains]].{{sfn|Howard-Johnston|2020|p=322}}
[[File:Roman-Persian Frontier in Late Antiquity.svg|thumb|left|280px|Map of the Byzantine-Iranian frontier during [[Late Antiquity]] before the [[Byzantine–Sasanian War of 602–628|war of 602–628]]]]
The letter sent by Kavad II to Heraclius from this period has partly survived in the ''Chronicon Paschale''. In it, he labels Heraclius as "the most clement Roman emperor, our brother" in contrast to Khosrow II's belittling message towards the latter. By using the word "brother", Kavad II made it clear right away that he acknowledged the Byzantine Empire as legitimate and equals of Iran. He was thus swiftly re-establishing the dualistic world order that had been dominant for four centuries.{{sfn|Howard-Johnston|2020|p=322}} He announced his ascension to the throne of his fathers and forefathers via the protection of God in the letter's body, which was kept brief. Kavad II was doing everything in his power to avoid supporting the idea that the war had been a religious conflict by omitting mention of the divinities in [[Zoroastrianism]].{{sfn|Howard-Johnston|2020|pp=322–323}}

He claimed that he intended to free every individual held in jail, including political opponents of his father and prisoners of war, as a sign of his commitment to doing whatever could be helpful and in the service of mankind. The letter did not discuss how to fix the borders. Instead, Chosdaï had to relay the Sasanian offer to withdraw from Byzantine territory verbally, and Heraclius had to respond in writing with precise suggestions on how to fix the borders. A solemn oath, sealed in the customary Persian fashion with salt, was placed within the letter.{{sfn|Howard-Johnston|2020|p=323}}

Heraclius responded with a letter four days later, which has also partly survived. In the first portion, only the final few words of each line have been preserved. He confirmed receiving the letter brought by Chosdaï, congratulated Kavad II on becoming king (mentioning both God's role and Kavad II's good fate), and wished him many years of success, vigor, and peace. He also recognized Kavad II's stated intention to work in the service of mankind. The rest of Heraclius' letter has not survived.{{sfn|Howard-Johnston|2020|p=323}}

The English historian [[James Howard-Johnston]] suggests that the rest of Heraclius' letter was a general statement, in which he said that he was prepared to make peace, along with some indication of what he thought should be a fair boundary to draw between the two empires. In accordance with the conditions of his earlier offer, Kavad II would then be required to make arrangements for the Iranian soldiers' withdrawal from what was acknowledged to be Byzantine land and the release of all Byzantine prisoners of war. This is all implied in the ''History of Khosrov'', a source that Howard-Johnston considers to be the "only trustworthy account of the second stage of negotiations." The Byzantine writer [[Nikephoros I of Constantinople|Nikephoros I]] claims that in the letter Heraclius called Kavad II his "son," thus declaring superiority over the Sasanian Empire. Howard-Johnston dismisses this claim, amongst other things arguing that due to the weakened Byzantine military, Heraclius was in no position to make such an assertion.{{sfn|Howard-Johnston|2020|p=324}}

After the negotiations were successful, Kavad II started carrying out the agreement's obligations. He gave orders for a letter to be written, telling Shahrbaraz to assemble his troops and head back to Iranian land, which he refused. According to Howard-Johnston, Shahrbaraz—having conquered the Byzantine Middle East—was not willing to give up more or less everything he had achieved in order to stop more violence and expenditure.{{sfn|Howard-Johnston|2020|pp=327–328}} However, the [[Iranian studies|Iranologist]] [[Parvaneh Pourshariati]] suggests that Shahrbaraz's noncompliance was due to his concern of the collaboration of the other factions of Iran, who were managing the affairs of the state while he was still in Byzantine territory.{{sfn|Pourshariati|2008|pp=176–177}} Shahrbaraz's refusal led to a deadlock, which would last for months. However, for the time being, Heraclius and his men could march home in peace, assured that the protracted conflict was finished, while the Iranian military could start preparing operations against the Turks in the [[South Caucasus]].{{sfn|Howard-Johnston|2020|p=328}}

=== Death and succession ===
Kavad II soon died of a devastating plague,{{sfn|Bonner|2020|p=314}} which became known as the [[Plague of Sheroe]].{{sfn|Daryaee|Rezakhani|2017|p=40}} According to the 10th-century Arab historian and geographer [[al-Masudi]], at least a third of Iran's population—or perhaps even half—died to the plague. Al-Tabari reported that "most of the Persians perished." According to the modern historian Michael Bonner, epidemic sickness would have quickly swept throughout [[Mesopotamia]]'s crowded and densely populated communities. He adds that while it is possible the highlands of Iran remained unharmed, sources raise the possibility that the plague's impact on Ctesiphon urban area was as devastating as they claim.{{sfn|Bonner|2020|p=314}} It is uncertain around what time Kavad II died, as sources differ on whether he ruled six, seven, or eight months. He died in late summer or early autumn,{{sfn|Howard-Johnston|2020|p=337}} and was succeeded by his seven-year-old son Ardashir III, who was supervised by [[Mah-Adhur Gushnasp]] as his regent.{{sfn|Bonner|2020|p=314}}