Editing Todd Gitlin (section)

=== Public works ===
{{sources|section|date = February 2022}}
Gitlin wrote 16 books and hundreds of articles in dozens of publications, including ''[[The New York Times]]'', ''[[Los Angeles Times]]'', ''[[The Washington Post]]'', ''[[The Boston Globe]]'', ''[[Haaretz]]'', ''[[Columbia Journalism Review]]'', ''[[Tablet (magazine)|Tablet]]'', ''[[The New Republic]]'', ''[[Mother Jones (magazine)|Mother Jones]],'' [[Salon (website)|''Salon'']], and many more. He was a columnist for ''[[The San Francisco Examiner]]'' and the ''[[New York Observer]]'', and a frequent contributor to TPMcafe and ''[[The New Republic]]'' online as well as the ''Chronicle of Higher Education''. In 2016, he wrote regularly on media and the political campaign for BillMoyers.com. He was on the editorial board of ''[[Dissent (American magazine)|Dissent]]''. He was co-chair of the San Francisco branch of PEN American Center, a member of the board of directors of [[Greenpeace]], and an early editor of [[openDemocracy]]. He gave hundreds of lectures at public occasions and universities in many countries.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Dreyer |first1=Thorne |title=An Interview With Todd Gitlin |url=https://truthout.org/audio/an-interview-with-todd-gitlin/ |website=truthout.org |date=July 22, 2013}}</ref>
{{external media| float = right| video1 = [https://www.c-span.org/video/?169317-1/media-unlimited Presentation by Gitlin on ''Media Unlimited'', March 25, 2002], [[C-SPAN]]| video2 = [https://www.c-span.org/video/?306665-6/occupy-nation Interview with Gitlin on ''Occupy Nation'', June 4, 2012], [[C-SPAN]]}} 
In his early writings on media, especially ''The Whole World Is Watching'', he called attention to the ideological framing of the [[New Left]] and other social movements, the vexed relations of leadership and celebrity, and the impact of coverage on the movements themselves. He was the first sociologist to apply [[Erving Goffman]]'s concept of "frame" to news analysis, and to show [[Antonio Gramsci]]'s "[[hegemony]]" at work in a detailed analysis of intellectual production. In ''Inside Prime Time'', he analyzes the workings of the television entertainment industry of the early 1980s, discerning the implicit procedures that guide network executives and other television "players" to make their decisions. In ''[[The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage]]'', a memoir and analysis combined, he develops a sense of the tensions between expressive and strategic politics. In ''The Twilight of Common Dreams'', he asks why the groups that constitute the American left so often turn to infighting, rather than solidarity. In ''Media Unlimited'', he turns to the unceasing flow of the media torrent, the problems of attention and distraction, and the emotional payoffs of media experience (which he called "disposable emotions") in our time. In ''Occupy Nation: The Roots, the Spirit, and the Promise of Occupy Wall Street'', he distinguishes between "inner" and "outer" movements and analyzes their respective strengths and weaknesses.
{{external media| float = right| video1 = [https://www.c-span.org/video/?176505-1/letters-young-activist Presentation by Gitlin on ''Letters to a Young Activist'', May 6, 2003], [[C-SPAN]]| video2 = [https://www.c-span.org/video/?191823-1/the-intellectuals-flag Presentation by Gitlin on ''The Intellectuals and the Flag'', March 13, 2006], [[C-SPAN]]}} 
In ''The Whole World Is Watching: Mass Media in the Making and Unmaking of the New Left'', ''The Sixties'', The ''Twilight of Common Dreams: Why America Is Wracked with Culture Wars'', ''Letters to a Young Activist'', and ''The Intellectuals and the Flag'', Gitlin became a prominent critic of the tactics and rhetoric of both the left and the right. Supporting active, strategically focused nonviolent movements, he emphasizes what he sees as the need in American politics to form coalitions between disparate movements, which must compromise ideological purity to gain and sustain power. During the [[George W. Bush administration]], he argued that the [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican Party]] managed to accomplish that with a coalition of what he called two "major components—the low-tax, love-business, hate-government enthusiasts and the God-save-us moral crusaders" but that the [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic Party]] has often been unable to accomplish a pragmatic coalition between its "roughly eight" constituencies, which he identifies as "labor, African Americans, Hispanics, feminists, gays, environmentalists, members of the helping professions (teachers, social workers, nurses), and the militantly liberal, especially antiwar denizens of avant-garde cultural zones such as university towns, the Upper West Side of Manhattan, and so on." (from ''The Bulldozer and the Big Tent'', pp.&nbsp;18–19).

In the 2010 book ''The Chosen Peoples: America, Israel, and the Ordeals of Divine Election'', he and Liel Leibovitz traced parallel themes in the history of the Jews and the Americans through history down to the present.<ref>[http://www.simonandschuster.com/books/The-Chosen-Peoples/Todd-Gitlin/9781439132364 "The Chosen Peoples"]. [https://web.archive.org/web/20110202115731/http://thechosenpeoples.com/ "America, Israel and the Ordeals of Divine Election"].</ref>