Editing Chavacano (section)

==Historical background==

There is no definite conclusion on the precise history of how these different varieties of Chavacano developed.

Prior to the formation of what is today the Philippines, what existed were a collection of various islands and different [[Ethnic groups in the Philippines|ethnolinguistic group]]s inhabiting them. The [[Spanish Colonisation of the Philippines|Spanish colonisation]] of the Philippine islands had led to the presence of the Spanish language in the islands. Though Spanish was the language of the government, the various languages originating and found in the islands remained the mother tongue of the various inhabitants. Instead of using Spanish to spread Christianity, Spanish missionaries preferred to learn the various local languages. With over 300 years of Spanish colonial rule, the Spanish language came to influence the various Philippine languages to varying degrees by way of aspects like new loanwords and expressions.

Creole languages (such as [[French-based creole]]s) have formed at various points in time around the world due to colonialism. As a result of contact between speakers of two mutually non-intelligible languages, creole languages have evolved in some cases to facilitate communication. This usually involves taking the vocabulary of another language and grammatical features of the native language. In contrast to the numerous French-based creole languages, only three creole languages have been found to be Spanish-based or heavily influenced: [[Papiamento]], [[Palenquero]], and Chavacano. In the Philippines, a major difficulty in tracing the development of Chabacano is the confusion attributed to in accounts of travelers to the Philippines between a coherent creole language, `broken Spanish', and fluent Spanish.<ref>Lipski, J. M. Chabacano/Spanish and the Philippine linguistic identity.</ref> The earliest believed attestation of a coherent creole language spoken in Cavite City comes from the Augustinian priest Martínez de Zúñiga who in his 1803 accounts of his travels in the Philippines, ''Estadismos de las Islas Filipinas'', notes that "In Cavite and in its suburb of San Roque, a very corrupted Spanish is spoken, whose phraseology is entirely taken from the language of the country".<ref name=":0" /> Mentions of a vernacular referred to as "kitchen Spanish" and "language of the market" (referring to the Manila variety), or other terms are found in a number of texts of the 19th century. However, the kind of vernacular referred to by these terms are imprecise and these terms may refer to a fully fledged creole or to a Spanish-pidgin spoken by Chinese and Filipino merchants.

The manner of formation of this type of speech found in a number of communities around the Philippines remains unclear today. A sample of what is today called ''Chabacano'' may be found in dialogues contained in chapters 18 (''Supercherías'') and 28 (''Tatakut'') of Filipino writer [[José Rizal]]'s 1891 work ''[[El Filibusterismo]]''.<ref>text reproduced by [https://filipinoscribbles.wordpress.com/2011/09/08/chabacano-in-el-filibusterismo/ Filipino Scribbles]</ref><ref>{{Cite web | url=https://www.angelfire.com/art2/roger_santos/rizal.html | title=Chabacano - Cavite's Dialect}}</ref> The dialogue found in chapter 18 is:

{{blockquote|''¿Porque ba no di podí nisós entrá?'' preguntaba una voz de mujer.

―''Abá, ñora, porque ‘tallá el maná prailes y el maná empleau'', contestó un hombre; ''‘ta jasí solo para ilós el cabesa de espinge''.

―''¡Curioso también el maná prailes!'' dijo la voz de mujer alejándose; ''¡no quiere pa que di sabé nisos cuando ilos ta sali ingañau! ¡Cosa! ¡Querida be de praile el cabesa!''}}

In the 1883 work of German linguist [[Hugo Schuchardt]] ''Uber das Malaiospanische der Philippinen'', he presents fragments of texts and comments of what he calls "Malayo-Spanish". However, the first to give a general study and investigation of the varieties of Chavacano as a group was by Keith Whinnom in his 1956 work ''The Spanish Contact Vernaculars in the Philippine Islands ''. Whinnom gives an overall view of the history and grammar of what he calls "Ermitaño" of Ermita in Manila, "Caviteño" of Cavite and "Zamboangueño" of Zamboanga. In it, he also postulates his [[Monogenetic theory of pidgins|monogenetic theory]] on the origin of these vernaculars.

Linguists are unsettled about how these vernaculars formed and how they connect to one another, if any. There are many theories, but the two main theories of the origin of Chavacano are Whinnom's "monogenetic theory" and a "parallel-development" theory proposed by Frake in 1971.

===Monogenetic theory===
{{expand section|date=February 2018}}
According to the monogenetic theory or one-way theory advanced by Whinnom, all varieties of Chavacano result from a single source, and all such varieties are related to each other.

===Parallel-development theory===
{{expand section|date=February 2018}}
The parallel development theory or two-way theory as advocated by Frake in 1971, the variants found in Luzon and Mindanao had evolved autonomously from each other.

===Zamboangueño===

On 23 June 1635, [[Zamboanga City]], which was part of the [[Subanon people]]'s ancestral land, became a permanent foothold of the Spanish government with the construction of the [[Fort Pilar|San José Fortress]]. Bombardment and harassment from pirates and raiders of the sultans of [[Mindanao]] and [[Jolo]] and the determination to spread Christianity further south (as Zamboanga was a crucial strategic location) of the Philippines forced the Spanish missionary friars to request reinforcements from the colonial government.

The military authorities decided to import labour from Luzon and the Visayas. Thus, the construction workforce eventually consisted of Spanish, Mexican and Peruvian soldiers, masons from Cavite (who comprised the majority), sacadas from Cebu and Iloilo, and those from the various local tribes of Zamboanga like the Samals and Subanons.

Language differences made it difficult for one ethnic group to communicate with another. To add to this, work instructions were issued in Spanish. The majority of the workers were unschooled and therefore did not understand Spanish but needed to communicate with each other and the Spaniards. A [[pidgin]] developed and became a full-fledged [[creole language]] still in use today as a [[lingua franca]] and/or as an [[official language]], mainly in [[Zamboanga City]].

When the [[Sultanate of Sulu]] gave up its territories in [[Sulu Archipelago]] to Spain within late 1700s (Sulu Sultanate gave up Basilan to Spain in 1762, while Sulu and Tawi-tawi were not given up by sultanate because the Sulu Sultanate only recognised partial Spanish sovereignty to Sulu and Tawi-tawi), Spanish settlers and soldiers brought the language to the region until Spain, [[Germany]], and [[United Kingdom]] signed an agreement named the [[Madrid Protocol of 1885]] that recognised Spanish rule of Sulu Archipelago. Chavacano becomes a lingua franca of Sulu Archipelago (composing of Sulu, Tawi-tawi, Basilan), as these were formerly part of [[zamboanga Peninsula|Western Mindanao (presently named Zamboanga Peninsula)]], only [[Isabela, Basilan|Isabela City]] (Basilan's capital) remained part of Zamboanga Peninsula; although North Borneo (now Sabah) is not included on the [[Spanish East Indies]] area as stated on the Protocol and control by the [[United Kingdom]], Chavacano has still a little impact in Semporna.

From then on, constant Spanish military reinforcements as well as increased presence of Spanish religious and educational institutions have fostered the Spanish creole.

===Caviteño/Ternateño{{anchor|Caviteño}}===
The [[Merdicas]] (also spelled Mardicas or Mardikas) were [[Catholic]] natives of the islands of [[Ternate]] and [[Tidore]] of the [[Moluccas]] in the vicinity of [[New Guinea]], converted during the [[Portuguese Empire|Portuguese]] occupation of the islands by [[Jesuit]] missionaries. The islands were later captured by the [[Spanish Empire|Spanish]] who vied for their control with the [[Dutch Empire|Dutch]]. In 1663, the Spanish garrison in Ternate was forced to pull out to defend [[Manila]] against an impending invasion by [[Koxinga]], the new ruler of [[Kingdom of Tungning]] in [[Geography of Taiwan|Formosa]] ([[Taiwan]]) (sacrificing the Moluccas to the Dutch in doing so). A number of Merdicas volunteered to help, eventually being resettled in a sandbar near the mouth of the [[Maragondon]] river (known as the ''Barra de Maragondon'') and [[Tanza]], [[Cavite]], Manila.<ref name="lipski">{{cite book|author=John. M. Lipski, with P. Mühlhaüsler and F. Duthin|editor =Stephen Adolphe Wurm & Peter Mühlhäusler|title =Atlas of Languages of Intercultural Communication in the Pacific, Asia, and the Americas: Texts, Volume 2|chapter =Spanish in the Pacific|publisher =Walter de Gruyter|year =1996|page=276|isbn =9783110134179|chapter-url =https://johnlipski.github.io/pacific.pdf}}</ref>

The invasion did not occur as Koxinga fell ill and died. The Merdicas' community eventually integrated into the local population. Today, the location of the community is called [[Ternate, Cavite|Ternate]] after the island of Ternate in the Moluccas, and the descendants of the Merdicas continue to use their Spanish creole (with Portuguese influence), which has come to be known as Caviteño or Ternateño Chavacano.<ref name="lipski"/>