Editing Dublin lock-out (section)

===Escalation===
[[File:Such Meeting or Assemblage is seditious... (9621476054).jpg|thumb|right|Proclamation banning a meeting in Sackville Street on 31 August 1913]]
The resulting industrial dispute was the most severe in the [[history of Ireland]]. Employers in Dublin locked out their workers and employed [[blackleg labour]] from Britain and elsewhere in Ireland. Dublin's workers, despite being some of the poorest in the [[United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland|United Kingdom]] at the time, applied for help and were sent £150,000 by the British [[Trades Union Congress]] (TUC) and other sources in Ireland, doled out dutifully by the ITGWU.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://multitext.ucc.ie/d/James_Larkin|title=Multitext - James Larkin|access-date=9 July 2015|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150711203151/http://multitext.ucc.ie/d/James_Larkin|archive-date=11 July 2015}}</ref><ref>The TUC assistance would be worth over €16m in 2014 values.</ref>

The "Kiddies' Scheme" for the starving children of Irish strikers to be temporarily looked after by British trade unionists was blocked by the [[Roman Catholic Church]] and especially the [[Ancient Order of Hibernians]], which claimed that Catholic children would be subject to [[Protestant]] or [[atheist]] influences when in Britain. The Church supported the employers during the dispute and condemned Larkin as a socialist [[revolutionary]].<ref>Kostick, C., (1996), "Revolution in Ireland: Popular Militancy 1917 to 1923", p. 18</ref>

Notably, [[Guinness]], the largest employer and biggest exporter in Dublin, refused to lock out its workforce. It refused to join Murphy's group but sent £500 to the employers' fund. It had a policy against sympathetic strikes and expected its workers, whose conditions were far better than the norm in Ireland, not to strike in sympathy; six who had done so were dismissed. It had 400 of its staff who were already ITGWU members and so it had a working relationship with the union. Larkin appealed to have the six reinstated but without success.<ref>Guinness 1886–1939, SR Dennison & Oliver McDonagh (Cork Univ. Press 1998). {{ISBN|1-85918-175-9}} See: Chapter 8, "The employees; work and welfare 1886–1914", and chapter 9, "Industrial Relations 1886–1914".</ref>

The [[Industrial Workers of the World]] (IWW) leader, [[Bill Haywood]], was in [[Paris]] when he heard of the lockout. He collected 1000 francs to aid the strikers and travelled to Dublin where he addressed a crowd in front of City Hall.<ref>{{cite book |title=Transnational Perspectives on Modern Irish History |date=2014 |publisher=Taylor & Francis |page=20}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |editor1-last=Kok |editor1-first=Jan |title=Rebellious Families Household Strategies and Collective Action in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries |date=2002 |publisher=Berghahn Books |page=122}}</ref>

Strikers used mass pickets and intimidation against strike-breakers, who were also violent towards strikers. The [[Dublin Metropolitan Police]] carried out a [[baton charge]] at worker's rallies. On 31 August 1913, the DMP attacked a meeting on Sackville Street (now known as [[O'Connell Street]]) that had been publicly banned. It caused the deaths of two workers: James Nolan and John Byrne. Over 300 more were injured.

The baton charge was a response to the appearance of James Larkin, who had been banned from holding a meeting, to speak for the workers. He had been smuggled into William Martin Murphy's Imperial Hotel by [[Nellie Gifford]], the sister-in-law of [[Thomas MacDonagh]], and spoke from a balcony. The event is remembered as Bloody Sunday, a term used for three subsequent days in 20th-century Ireland and for the murderous charge of police in the Liverpool general strike. Another worker, [[Alice Brady (labour activist)|Alice Brady]], was later shot dead by a strike-breaker as she brought home a food parcel from the union office.  Michael Byrne, an ITGWU official from [[Dún Laoghaire|Kingstown]], died after he had been tortured in a police cell.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.anarkismo.net/article/470|title=The Dublin Lock-out of 1913|access-date=9 July 2015}}</ref>

Connolly, Larkin and ex-[[British Army]] [[Captain (British Army and Royal Marines)|Captain]] [[Jack White (labour unionist)|Jack White]] formed a worker's militia, the [[Irish Citizen Army]], to protect workers' demonstrations.

For seven months, the lock-out affected tens of thousands of Dublin families. Murphy's three main newspapers, the ''[[Irish Independent]]'', the ''[[Sunday Independent (Ireland)|Sunday Independent]]'' and the ''[[Evening Herald]]'', portrayed Larkin as the villain. Influential figures such as [[Patrick Pearse]], [[Constance Markievicz|Countess Markievicz]] and [[William Butler Yeats]] supported the workers in the media.