Editing Kibbutz (section)

=== Decline and restructuring ===
{{See also|Kibbutz crisis}}
With time, the kibbutz members' sense of identification with the kibbutz and its goals decreased. This process originated from personal frustrations among the kibbutz members as a result of internal processes, from the growing stratification and inequality due to the growth of capitalistic practices, and a generation born and raised in the kibbutzim that did not necessarily inherit their parents’ fiery ideological and motivational drive to “settle the land”.<ref>{{cite journal |first=Reuven |last=Shapira |title=Academic Capital or Scientific Progress? A critique of studies of kibbutz stratification |journal=[[Journal of Anthropological Research]] |volume=61 |year=2005 |issue=3 |pages=357–380 |jstor=3631324 |doi=10.3998/jar.0521004.0061.304 |s2cid=143437383}}</ref> Over the years, some kibbutz members established professional careers outside the kibbutz, accumulating power, privileges and prestige.<ref>{{cite journal |first=Reuven |last=Shapira |title=Communal decline: The vanishing of high-moral leaders and the decay of democratic, high-trust kibbutz cultures |journal=Sociological Inquiry |volume=71 |year=2001 |issue=1 |pages=13–38 |doi=10.1111/j.1475-682X.2001.tb00926.x}}</ref> The balance between individual values and values of the kibbutz began to tip, and work motivation was affected. An emphasis was placed on social compensation to encourage productivity. These processes occurred in parallel with a [[Kibbutz crisis|severe economic crisis]] (itself a sub-component of the [[1983 Israel bank stock crisis|Israeli economic crisis of the 1980s]]).

* The [[Privatization in Israel|privatization]] processes and the adoption of non-cooperative beliefs in all of the Israeli society, affected the moral and structural support of kibbutzim, and with the years penetrated the new generations of the kibbutzim.
* The kibbutzim were built on the attempt to create a permanent and institutionalized framework, which would be able to set a pattern of conduct that would successfully handle the implementation of shared values. The attempt to place such a regular pattern required creativity in the adoption of kibbutz practices to its growth and changing kibbutz system and encompassing society, but kibbutz leadership suppressed innovators and critical thinkers, causing either failures to deal with changes or adoption of capitalist solutions that negated kibbutz basic principles.<ref>{{cite book|last=Reuven |first=Shapira |title=Transforming Kibbutz Research |location=Cleveland |publisher=New World Publishing |date=2008 |chapter=12–17}}</ref>
* The kibbutzim had [[rural]] patterns of settlements, while over the years the Israeli society began adopting [[Urban area|urban]] patterns of settlements. The lack of match between the patterns of the kibbutz society and the majority of the Israeli society, appealed the strong linkage between the kibbutzim with the entire Israeli society, a principle that did not allow the continuation of the collaborative model (because of the internal weakening and the loss of the all-Israeli legitimacy).
* The kibbutzim were established during the pioneer period and were the fulfilment of the Zionist vision, as during that period of time every member was required to give the maximum from himself for the good of the collective: the kibbutz and the state. In addition, as a group it was easier to deal with the common problems of the individuals—which allowed the recruitment of a large number of people for maintaining the safety of the community at that time, and therefore this way of life was suited for the Zionist goals more than other forms of life at that time.
* The original concept of the kibbutzim was based to a large extent on self-sacrifice of its members for the sake of abstract foundations and not on the cancellation of work, and therefore after the pioneer period the linkage between the kibbutz members decreased, due to the decline in the pioneering spirit and the decline in the importance of the self-sacrifice values.
* When the kibbutz was perceived as an initiator for values and national objectives, it was very much appreciated in the Israeli society and it was easier for the members to identify themselves with the kibbutz, its function and its significance. With the decrease of its appreciation and the minimizing of the social significances in the Israeli society, the kibbutz identity weakened.
* The [[globalization]] processes and the kibbutz failure to block them exposed the kibbutz society to a different type of culture. For example, after kibbutz members were allowed to have television sets in their own homes, the kibbutz members were exposed to "the good life" in which people were compensated for their work and could buy themselves different luxurious items. The kibbutzim were not capable of dealing with these processes.<ref>{{cite book|editor-last1=Carmeli |editor-first1=Y. |editor-last2=Applbaum |editor-first2=K. |date=2004 |title=Consumption and Market Society in Israel |publisher=Berg Publishers |location=Oxford}}</ref>
* The collapse of the Communist bloc resulted in the weakening of [[Socialist]] beliefs around the world, including in the kibbutz society.

During the 1980s, following the peak of the kibbutzim crisis, many people started leaving their kibbutzim, and there was considerable tension due to the economic situation. In order to cope with the situation, some kibbutzim began to change in various ways.

The changes that occurred could be divided into three main types:
* '''Extensive privatization of the kibbutz services'''—in fact, such privatization had been introduced over the past two decades in many kibbutzim. Most of these privatization processes, however, were made in matters that were considered relatively minor. Currently, many kibbutzim that have privatized (some of them with subsidies) have also privatized the [[education]] and [[Health care systems|health]] systems, which were once considered untouchable.{{Citation needed|date=January 2010}}
* '''"Differential wage"'''—one famous characteristic of the kibbutzim was that each kibbutz member received an equal budget according to his or her needs, regardless of what job they held. In many kibbutzim, members are now paid differentially based on the work they do.
* '''"Association of properties"'''—refers to the transfer of some of the properties belonging to the kibbutz, in its capacity as a [[cooperative]] commonality, to the ownership of individual kibbutz members. This is actually true privatization (unlike the services privatization). These assets include the homes where the members live and a sort of a "stock" in the manufacturing component of the kibbutz. This change allows kibbutz members to sell and bequeath both types of properties, within certain limitations.

Since the mid-1990s, the number of kibbutzim making significant changes in their lifestyle has continued to grow, while the resistance to these changes has gradually decreased, with only a few dozen kibbutzim still functioning under more traditional models. It is important to note, however, that each kibbutz has undergone different processes of change. There are many people, outside and inside the kibbutzim, who claim these changes bring the end of the kibbutz concept. Among the communities that have recently officially ceased being kibbutzim are [[Megiddo (kibbutz)|Megiddo]] in the Jezreel Valley, HagGoshrim in the Upper Galilee, Beyt Nir in the Negev, etc.{{Citation needed|date=April 2009}}

These processes have created the "renewing kibbutz" ({{lang|he|הקיבוץ המתחדש}})—a kibbutz settlement pattern not fully based on the original values of the kibbutz. Kibbutzim continuing under the original kibbutz values are associated with the "collaborative model" ({{lang|he|הזרם השיתופי}}).

;New compensation models
There are now three kibbutz compensation models. 1) The traditional collective ''kibbutz/kibbutz shitufi'', in which members are compensated equally, regardless of what work each member does; 2) the mixed model ''kibbutz/kibbutz meshulav'', in which each member is given a small percentage of his or their salary along with a basic component given equally to all kibbutz members; and 3) the renewing ''kibbutz/kibbutz mithadesh'', in which a member's income consists solely of their individual income from his work and sometimes includes income from other kibbutz sources.<ref name="kibbutz-changes">{{cite web |url=http://israelity.com/2010/01/27/kibbutz-changes |title=Kibbutz changes |access-date=1 March 2011 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110713063541/http://israelity.com/2010/01/27/kibbutz-changes/ |archive-date=13 July 2011 |date=27 January 2010}}</ref>

According to a survey conducted by the [[University of Haifa]] 188 of all kibbutzim (72%) are now converted to the "renewing kibbutz" model, which could be described as more individualistic kibbutz. Dr. Shlomo Getz, head of the Institute for the Research of the Kibbutz and the Cooperative Idea believes that by the end of 2012, there will be more kibbutzim switching to some alternative model.<ref name="kibbutz-changes"/>