Editing Ricimer (section)

===Anthemius (467–472)===
For nearly two years, the throne in the West remained vacant, until 14 April 467, when Leo named the Greek aristocrat and son-in-law of Marcian, [[Anthemius]], to the position.{{sfn|Halsall|2007|p=272}} Leo's motivation included pressure from the Vandals,{{sfn|Merrills|Miles|2010|p=121}} and perhaps the removal of a potential rival at Constantinople.{{sfn|Halsall|2007|p=272}} Meanwhile, Ricimer married Anthemius's daughter Alypia, solidifying his connection to the emperor and providing the appearance of unity between the two-halves of the Empire.{{sfn|Merrills|Miles|2010|p=121}} The marriage was an extravagant affair with much pomp and show, and the union appears to have garnered support from the Roman population.{{sfn|MacGeorge|2002|pp=235–236}} On this occasion, Sidonius composed a lengthy panegyric to Anthemius and within it praises Ricimer;{{sfn|MacGeorge|2002|p=236}} he claims that a goddess representing Italy speaks to the river god of the Tiber thus:
 
{{quote|Furthermore, unconquerable Ricimer, to whom the destiny of the state looks anxiously, his own efforts alone hardly repulse the pirate who roves across the countryside, who avoids battle, who becomes the victor by flight. Who could endure such an enemy who refuses both peace and war? For he will never make a treaty with Ricimer. Harken to why he hates him so much. He is born of an uncertain father, while a slavewoman was certainly his mother. Now, [to show] that he is the son of a king, he proclaims his mother's adultery. Especially he envies Ricimer because two kingdoms call him to kingship; for he is Suevian through his father and Gothic through his mother. And at the same time he [Gaiseric] remembers that in the Tartesian lands [i.e. Spain] his grandfather Vallia, cast down the Vandal armies and their allies in war the Alans&nbsp;... But why relate ancient flights and former defeats? He [Gaiseric] recalls his losses on the plain of Agrigentum. Ever since then he rages, because he knows that he [Ricimer] is the true grandson of the hero at whose sight the Vandals always turned in flight [Vallia]. Certainly you Marcellus were no more glorious when you returned from the lands of Sicily&nbsp;... Noricum holds back the Ostrogoth because he [Ricimer] is feared; Gaul ties down the might of the Rhine because he inspires terror; because the Vandal hosts and their relatives the Alans plundered me [Italy] bare, he himself then took vengeance by his own arms. But, for all that, he is only one man; who can only accept so many risks alone.{{sfn|MacGeorge|2002|p=237}}{{efn|See: Sidonius, Pan. II, 352–382}}}}
 
Leo sent Anthemius to Italy with an army led by the commanding general of the Dalmatian Army, [[Marcellinus (magister militum)|Marcellinus]], a former rival of Ricimer.{{sfn|O'Flynn|1983|p=116}} Ricimer must have initially viewed Anthemius' appointment as undermining his position, for unlike [[Libius Severus]], Anthemius had a proven history of military success and had family ties to the [[Theodosian Dynasty]]. However, needing the support of the Eastern Empire, Ricimer was forced to accept him as the price for Leo's good will and for "eastern protection against the depredations of Geiseric".{{sfn|O'Flynn|1983|pp=115–116}}  

Soon after assuming the Western throne, Anthemius granted Marcellinus the rank of [[Patrician (ancient Rome)|patrician]] in an effort to counterbalance the authority of Ricimer.{{sfn|O'Flynn|1983|p=116}} Both Leo and Anthemius had seen the difficulty Western Emperors had in maintaining control over the Western military with the existence of a single unchallenged supreme commander.{{sfn|O'Flynn|1983|pp=116–117}} Despite these potential machinations, sources such as [[Magnus Felix Ennodius|Ennodius]] attest to the power and influence of Ricimer, who once wrote that Ricimer was directing governmental affairs at this time and was "second only to the Emperor Anthemius".{{sfn|MacGeorge|2002|p=239}}{{efn|See: Ennodius, {{lang|la|Vita Epiphanius}}, 51: {{lang|la|"secundis ab Anthemio principe habenis rempublicam gubernabat"}}.}}

====Campaign in North Africa====
In 468, Leo organized a grand campaign against the Vandals in North Africa, to which the East and West would commit substantial forces. The commanding general of the Thracian army, [[Basiliscus]], brother-in-law of Leo, assumed supreme command over the joint East-West assault, with Marcellinus commanding the Western forces.{{sfn|Halsall|2007|p=272}} The plan called for a three-pronged attack led by Basiliscus, Marcellinus, and [[Heraclius of Edessa]], the {{lang|la|[[comes]] militaris}} (military count) of Egypt. Basiliscus was to land at a distance from [[Carthage]] with the main army (transported by an armada of over 1,000 ships) and then link up with Heraclius, advancing from [[Tripolitania]]. Marcellinus was to invade Africa from [[Sicily]].{{sfn|Williams|Friell|1999|p=174}} Ricimer, under the overall command of Marcellinus, commanded a large portion of the Western forces in the expedition, but their fleet never sailed—due to Ricimer's veto—despite the West having agreed to contribute one-fourth of the total expedition's costs.{{sfn|Williams|Friell|1999|p=174}}{{efn|Ricimer's behavior raised suspicions that he secretly wanted the expedition to fail, which it ultimately did following the disastrous [[Battle of Cape Bon (468)|Battle of Cape Bon]].}} Despite the other prongs of the attack making good progress at the onset, at least half of the joint armada was destroyed by Geiseric's fireships, causing Basilicus to abandon the attack against Carthage and withdraw back to Sicily.{{sfn|Williams|Friell|1999|p=174}} At this stage, Marcellinus was suddenly murdered while in Sicily, perhaps at the instigation of Ricimer.{{sfn|Williams|Friell|1999|p=175}}

====Consequences of failure====
The failed joint expedition against the Vandals was a "shock to Roman prestige".{{sfn|Williams|Friell|1999|p=175}} This combined military venture—known otherwise as the [[Battle of Cape Bon (468)]]—was an unequivocal disaster that reduced Roman military might and also nearly bankrupted the Western and Eastern Empires alike, certainly dooming the Western half "to extinction" according to historian Peter Heather.{{sfn|Heather|2005|pp=403–406}} Upon hearing of the disastrous defeat, the Visigoths resumed their wars of expansion against the West and the [[Burgundians]] expanded their kingdom towards [[Arles]].{{sfn|Heather|2005|pp=416–418}} With Marcellinus dead, Geiseric recommenced his attacks upon Italy in 470, which forced Ricimer—as the sole commander in the West—to assume command of Italy's defense against the Vandals.{{sfn|O'Flynn|1983|pp=118–119}} Marcellinus had been Anthemius' favorite of the two generals, and his death served to widen the divide between the emperor and Ricimer. The tipping point of their relationship was the trial of [[Romanus (usurper)|Romanus]], the imperial chancellor ({{lang|la|[[magister officiorum]]}}) and supporter of Ricimer, whom Anthemius accused of treason and condemned to death in 470.{{sfn|O'Flynn|1983|p=119}}{{efn|For the classical sources, refer to: [[Cassiodorus]], {{lang|grc-Latn|Chronicon}}, 1289; and [[Paul the Deacon]], {{lang|la|Historia Romana}}, xv.2; [[John of Antioch (chronicler)|John of Antioch]], fragments 209.1–2, 207, translated by C. D. Gordon, ''The Age of Attila'' (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1966), pp. 122f}} Following the execution of Romanus by Anthemius, Ricimer moved north to [[Milan]] with a force of six thousand soldiers.{{sfn|O'Flynn|1983|p=119}} Relations between the two deteriorated to the point that [[Epiphanius of Pavia]], [[Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Milan|bishop of Milan]], was asked to negotiate peace between them.{{sfn|O'Flynn|1983|p=119}}{{efn|Related in: Ennodius, {{lang|la|Vita Epiphanius}}, 51–75; translated in Sr. Genevieve Marie Cook, ''The Life of Saint Epiphanius by Ennodius: A translation with an introduction and commentary'' (Washington: Catholic University of America, 1942), pp. 53–63.}}

Despite the bishop's efforts, the two were irreconcilable and began insulting one another; Anthemius called Ricimer a "skin-clad Goth", while Ricimer referred to the emperor as "an excitable Galatian".{{sfn|Elton|2018|p=216}}{{efn|The exchanges between Anthemius and Ricimer are recorded in: Ennodius, {{lang|la|Vita Epiphanius}}, 67, 53.}} By 472, open warfare broke out between them, during which Ricimer marched on [[Siege of Rome (472)|Rome itself]], a siege that lasted many months.{{sfn|Halsall|2007|p=261}} Four months into the assault on Rome, Ricimer named [[Olybrius]] (the brother-in-law of Geiseric) to the throne in a move of conciliation, since the Vandal king had been pressing for his elevation.{{sfn|O'Flynn|1983|p=120}}{{efn|According to John Malalas, Leo dispatched Olybrius from Constantinople to mediate a truce between Ricimer and Anthemius, but he had sent ahead a secret letter to Anthemius, urging him to kill Olybrius. Ricimer intercepted the letter, showed it to Olybrius, and had him proclaimed emperor. This contention is found in: John Malalas, {{lang|la|Chronographica}}, 373–374. From what historian James M. Flynn relates, there is reason to be suspicious about this claim by Malalas, although he also avows, "It must be admitted, however, that Leo had some reason to fear and mistrust Olybrius, whose claim to the purple on dynastic grounds was, like that of Anthemius, stronger than the claim of Leo himself; Olybrius could furthermore count on the support of Gaiseric. Leo must have welcomed an opportunity to get Olybrius away from Constantinople, just as he had previously done with Anthemius."{{sfn|O'Flynn|1983|p=121}} }} After months of siege and suffering from starvation, Rome surrendered and Ricimer finally entered the city.{{sfn|Halsall|2007|p=278}}{{efn|See: John of Antioch, fragment 209.1–2; translated by C. D. Gordon, ''The Age of Attila'', p. 122f}} Anthemius tried to escape by disguising himself as a beggar, but the emperor was caught attempting to flee the city at the Church of [[Santa Maria in Trastevere]], where he was beheaded on 11 July 472.{{sfn|Halsall|2007|p=278}}{{efn|John of Antioch, fragment 209, in C. D. Gordon, ''Age of Attila'', p. 122f}}