Editing Pim Fortuyn List (section)

===Fortuynism===
The [[ideology]] or political style that is derived from Pim Fortuyn, and in turn the LPF, is often called ''[[Fortuynism]]''. Observers variously saw him as a political protest targeting the alleged [[elitism]] and bureaucratic style of the Dutch [[Purple (government)#The Netherlands and Belgium|purple coalitions]] or as offering an appealing political style. The style was characterized variously as one "of openness, directness and clearness", [[populism]] or simply as charisma. Another school holds Fortuynism as a distinct [[ideology]], with an alternative vision of [[society]]. Some argued that Fortuynism was not just ''one'' ideology, but contained [[liberalism]], populism and [[nationalism]].<ref name=m213214/> Gerrit Boerman, the head of the Document Center for Dutch Political Parties at the [[University of Groningen]] described Fortuyn's and by extension the LPF's ideology as not fitting into the traditional left-right pattern and described it as a "cocktail of elements stemming from different directions" which included strands of conservatism, [[communitarianism]], [[libertarianism]], classical and social liberalism, and [[national-populism]].<ref>{{cite web |url=https://aei.pitt.edu/6565/1/000440_1.PDF |title=I Say What I Mean and I Do What I say |access-date=2024-03-22}}</ref>

During the 2002 campaign, Fortuyn was accused of being on the "extreme right", although others saw only certain similarities.<ref>{{harvnb|Rydgren|van Holsteyn|2005|pp=48–49}}</ref> Comparisons were drawn between Fortuyn and the LPF with far-right populist leaders and parties in Europe such as [[Jean-Marie Le Pen]] and his [[French National Front]] by foreign journalists and these were often referred to by the Dutch media and rival politicians. However, this was strongly disputed by Fortuyn who stated he wanted nothing to do with such leaders while the LPF called the comparisons "over-simplified" and inaccurate, asserting that the party's immigration programme was not based on hatred of foreigners.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.politico.eu/article/profile-gay-right-activist-pim-fortuyn/ |title=PROFILE – Gay right activist: Pim Fortuyn |date=May 2002 |access-date=2024-02-15}}</ref> While Fortuyn employed anti-immigration rhetoric, he was neither a radical [[nationalism|nationalist]] nor a defender of traditional authoritarian values. On the contrary, Fortuyn wanted to protect the socio-culturally liberal values of the Netherlands, women's rights and sexual minorities (he was openly [[Homosexuality|homosexual]] himself), from the "backward" Islamic culture.<ref name=rvh49>Rydgren; van Holsteyn, 2005, p. 49.</ref> Fortuyn often maintained that his opposition to immigration was not motivated by race or skin colour and that he was not opposed to a multi-racial society. The LPF also won support from some ethnic minorities and fielded candidates from immigrant backgrounds during the 2002 election; one of Fortuyn's closest associates was of [[Cape Verde]]an origin while one of the party's MPs was a young woman of [[Turkey|Turkish]] descent.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=mkbCeurMNscC&pg=PA132|page=132|first=Patrick Richard|last=Ireland|title=Becoming Europe: immigration, integration, and the welfare state|year=2004|publisher=University of Pittsburgh Pre|isbn=978-0-8229-5845-1}}</ref><ref>[http://www.ad.nl/rotterdam/stad/article93016.ece Alexander Bakker, Late biecht van ex-staatssecretaris], [[Algemeen Dagblad]], January 1, 2006.</ref>

====Domestic policy====
Many of the LPF's policies for the [[2002 Dutch general election|2002 general election]] were based on proposals put forward in Fortuyn's book ''[[De puinhopen van acht jaar Paars]]''. The LPF campaigned on a strong law and order message at both local and national levels. The party supported cutting state [[bureaucracy]] while strengthening [[public services]]. The party also called for reforms to the Netherland's employment policy, proposed reducing the number of civil servants and abolishing permanent contracts for government employees.<ref>{{cite journal |url=https://newleftreview.org/sidecar/posts/the-forgotten-fortuyn |title=The Forgotten Fortuyn |journal=NLR/Sidecar |date=22 July 2022 |access-date=2024-03-10 |last1=Oudenampsen |first1=Merijn }}</ref> It also wanted to revise and strongly restrict immigration and asylum policies, particularly from Islamic societies, as well as put an end to the Dutch government's policy of pursuing [[multiculturalism]]. Instead, the party argued for compulsory policies that existing immigrants learn Dutch and become integrated while future immigration would be reduced or halted until existing immigrants had been assimilated.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://migration.ucdavis.edu/mn/more.php?id=2642_0_4_0|title = France, Netherlands: Le Pen, Pim Fortuyn – Migration News &#124; Migration Dialogue}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2002/09/holl-s09.html|title=Holland: Pim Fortuyn List leads new government's right-wing assault|date=9 September 2002 }}</ref> However, Fortuyn also maintained that asylum seekers or illegal immigrants who had been living in the Netherlands for a long period should not be deported and instead be pardoned and offered a path to citizenship if they demonstrated the ability to assimilate into Dutch society and had not committed crimes while potential migrants would be offered financial incentives to stay in their own country.<ref name="Dutch fall for gay Mr Right">{{cite news |url= https://www.theguardian.com/world/2002/apr/14/andrewosborn.theobserver |title= Dutch fall for gay Mr Right|work=The Observer |date=14 April 2002}}</ref> During the 2002 election and cabinet formation, the LPF proposed that asylum seekers who already had been in the Netherlands for more than five years could be pardoned while the government should temporarily stop all future immigration and asylum intake. In the [[First Balkenende cabinet]], LPF immigration minister [[Hilbrand Nawijn]] proposed the ''One-off Regulation 2003'' which would give a grace period for long-term asylum seekers to gain residency while asylum migration would be frozen for a period, however the cabinet collapsed before this could be effectuated. The party also supported the right to [[freedom of speech]] and took a [[socially liberal]] stance on issues such as gay rights, soft drug legalization and gender equality.

The LPF also supported reforming the Dutch economic model, arguing that outdated bureaucracy and welfare systems had created psychological and physical barriers to entrepreneurship and modernization of the economy. Fortuyn supported locating workplaces, smaller schools and regional hospitals closer to communities, expanding internet infrastructure outside of cities and replacing parts of the state with digital technology. Some political historians describe the LPF as supporting "market populist" ideas and holding both a free market vision while stressing communitarian ideas and being one of the first European populist parties associated with a rise in anti-globalization arguments.<ref>{{cite journal |url=https://newleftreview.org/sidecar/posts/the-forgotten-fortuyn |title=The Forgotten Fortuyn |journal=NLR/Sidecar |date=22 July 2022 |access-date=2024-03-24 |last1=Oudenampsen |first1=Merijn }}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/00344890408523255 |title=Pim Fortuyn And the 'new' far right in the Netherlands |date=2004 |doi=10.1080/00344890408523255 |access-date=2024-03-24 |last1=Dorussen |first1=Han |journal=Representation |volume=40 |issue=2 |pages=131–145 |url-access=subscription }}</ref>

====Foreign policy====
Although the LPF was established post-[[September 11 attacks|9/11]], Fortuyn had already developed a worldview based on the "clash between civilizations", namely between "modernity" and Islam, or [[Western society]] and [[Islamic culture]]. The LPF supported [[NATO]], but was [[Euroscepticism|eurosceptic]] and saw the [[European Union]] as a "bureaucracy which barely interests its citizens, let alone inspires them." The party was against the [[euro]] currency (which the Netherlands had adopted in 1999), EU influence over Dutch domestic regulation, and opposed the Netherlands participating in the European [[Schengen agreement]].<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.irishtimes.com/news/death-makes-fortuyn-an-icon-of-dutch-right-1.1056933|title=Death makes Fortuyn an icon of Dutch right|newspaper=[[The Irish Times]] }}</ref> Fortuyn also campaigned to reduce Dutch financial contributions to the [[European Union]] and criticised the EU for being "elite" and "technocratic".<ref name="Dutch fall for gay Mr Right"/> The party however did not oppose the principle of economic and political cooperation between European countries and the project of [[European integration]] in general, but rather the EU's present organization, and what it regarded as its lack of [[democracy]], excessive bureaucracy and threat to national sovereignty. The LPF also warned that unopposed EU expansion would lead to the Netherlands becoming absorbed into a Federal Superstate in which Dutch identity would be lost.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.cnn.com/2002/WORLD/europe/05/06/fortuyn.profile/index.html |title=Pim Fortuyn: Man of paradox |publisher=[[CNN]] |date=May 9, 2002 |accessdate=2022-06-10}}</ref> Opposing the full membership of [[Turkey]], [[Albania]], [[Ukraine]], [[Belarus]] and [[Russia]], the LPF maintained that the European Union "shouldn't cross the [[Bosporus]] and the [[Ural Mountains|Ural]]".<ref>{{harvnb|Mudde|2007|pp=216–218}}</ref> The LPF was also supportive of [[Israel]].<ref>{{cite news |url= https://www.nytimes.com/2002/05/07/world/rightist-candidate-in-netherlands-is-slain-and-the-nation-is-stunned.html|title= Rightist Candidate in Netherlands Is Slain, and the Nation Is Stunned |work=The New York Times |date=7 May 2002}}</ref>