Editing Historic Compromise

{{Short description|Italian historical event}}
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 | image1 = Aldo Moro 1968.jpg
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 | footer = Prominent [[Christian Democracy (Italy)|DC]] member [[Aldo Moro]] ''(pictured left)'' and leader of the [[Italian Communist Party|PCI]] [[Enrico Berlinguer]], the main architects of the Historic Compromise.
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{{Communism in Italy|expanded=History}}
The '''Historic Compromise''' ({{langx|it|Compromesso storico}}), also known as the '''Third Phase''' ({{langx|it|Terza Fase}}) or the '''Democratic Alternative''' ({{langx|it|Alternativa Democratica}}), was a historical political accommodation between [[Christian Democracy (Italy)|Christian Democracy]] (DC) and the [[Italian Communist Party]] (PCI) in the 1970s.

==History==
In 1973, [[Enrico Berlinguer]], General Secretary of the [[Italian Communist Party]] (PCI), launched a three-article proposal in the communist magazine ''[[Rinascita]]'' calling for a "democratic alliance" with [[Christian Democracy (Italy)|Christian Democracy]] (DC), embraced by [[Aldo Moro]]. One factor that inspired this proposal was [[1973 Chilean coup d'état|the recent overthrow]] of the [[Presidency of Salvador Allende|Allende Government]] in [[Chile]]. For Berlinguer, the events in Chile proved that the Marxist left could not aspire to govern in democratic countries without establishing alliances with more moderate forces.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Berlinguer |first=Enrico |date=28 September 1973 |title=Imperialismo e coesistenza alla luce dei fatti cileni – Necessaria una riflessione attenta sul quadro mondiale |url=http://astratto.info/imperialismo-e-coesistenza-alla-luce-dei-fatti-cileni.html |journal=Rinascita |issue=38 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190805083153/http://astratto.info/imperialismo-e-coesistenza-alla-luce-dei-fatti-cileni.html |access-date=1 November 2024|archive-date=5 August 2019 }}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |last=Berlinguer |first=Enrico |date=5 October 1973 |title=Via democratica e violenza reazionaria – Riflessione sull'Italia dopo i fatti del Cile |url=http://astratto.info/imperialismo-e-coesistenza-alla-luce-dei-fatti-cileni.html#VIA_DEMOCRATICA_E_VIOLENZA_REAZIONARIA |journal=Rinascita |issue=39 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190805083153/http://astratto.info/imperialismo-e-coesistenza-alla-luce-dei-fatti-cileni.html#VIA_DEMOCRATICA_E_VIOLENZA_REAZIONARIA |access-date=1 November 2024|archive-date=5 August 2019 }}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |last=Berlinguer |first=Enrico |date=12 October 1973 |title=Alleanze sociali e schieramenti politici – Riflessioni sull'Italia dopo i fatti del Cile |url=http://astratto.info/imperialismo-e-coesistenza-alla-luce-dei-fatti-cileni.html#ALLEANZE_SOCIALI_E_SCHIERAMENTI_POLITICI |journal=Rinascita |issue=40 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190805083153/http://astratto.info/imperialismo-e-coesistenza-alla-luce-dei-fatti-cileni.html#ALLEANZE_SOCIALI_E_SCHIERAMENTI_POLITICI |access-date=1 November 2024|archive-date=5 August 2019 }}</ref>

Another major reason for the change in PCI policy was the advent of the [[1973 oil crisis]] that challenged the Western [[Welfare state|welfare states]] and would ultimately provide the pretext for [[neoliberalism]]. Not only could the crisis endanger welfare spending, but the PCI feared it could even threaten the fragile [[liberal democracy]] as a whole, in the same way that the [[Wall Street crash of 1929|1929 crisis]] had given way to [[Nazism]] and ultimately to the [[Second World War]]. [[Stephen Gundle]] has remarked that the party had legitimate reasons to fear a resurgence of [[Fascism|fascist]] authoritarianism due to the terrorist [[strategy of tension]] employed during the [[Years of Lead (Italy)|Years of Lead]], along with the increasing electoral strength of both the [[Centre-right politics|centre-right]] and [[Far-right politics|far-right]].<ref>{{cite journal |last=Gundle |first=Stephen |date=1 June 1987 |title=The PCI and the Historic Compromise |url=https://newleftreview.org/issues/i163/articles/stephen-gundle-the-pci-and-the-historic-compromise.pdf |journal=[[New Left Review]] |issue=I/163 |pages=27–35 |access-date=1 November 2024}}</ref> Hence the PCI aimed to participate in government to at least consolidate the gains of the previous decades and structurally entrench the [[Italian road to socialism]].<ref>{{cite book |last=Magri |first=Lucio |date=2018 |title=The Tailor of Ulm: A History of Communism |location=London |publisher=Verso |page=251–252 and 261–262 |isbn=9781786635549}}</ref> This could even "be seen as orthodoxy" because it was in line with the post-war coalition governments that followed [[Palmiro Togliatti|Togliatti]]'s so-called [[Italian_Communist_Party#Resistance_to_fascism|Salerno Turn]] in 1944.<ref>{{cite book |last=Edwards |first=Phil |date=2009 |title='More work! Less pay!' Rebellion and repression in Italy, 1972–77 |location=Manchester |publisher=[[Manchester University Press]] |page=50 |isbn=9780719078736}}</ref>

The cooperation between the PCI and DC grew into an ambivalent political alliance in 1976, with Prime Minister Moro including Berlinguer in an emergency meeting with Italy's political party leaders on March 17, 1976, to discuss averting the collapse of the economy.<ref>"Italian Communists Consulted by premier First Time Since '47", ''The New York Times'', March 18, 1976, p.4</ref> This replaced a governing alliance between Christian Democracy and the other center-left parties known as the [[Organic Centre-left]]. Berlinguer's PCI attempted to distance itself from the [[USSR]], with the launching of "[[Eurocommunism]]" along with the [[Communist Party of Spain]] and the [[French Communist Party]].

The compromise was unpopular among the other [[Centre-left politics|centre-left]] groups like the [[Italian Republican Party]] (PRI) and [[Italian Socialist Party]] (PSI), led respectively by [[Ugo La Malfa]] and [[Bettino Craxi]]. The rightist Christian Democrat [[Giulio Andreotti]] also had doubts about the accommodation.<ref>{{cite book|title=Intervista con la storia|author=Fallaci, Oriana|publisher=Rizzoli|date=1974}}</ref> Some communist sympathizers or PCI members were estranged by the PCI's "refusal to consider the possibility of the exclusion of the DC from power", which seemed to indicate the PCI had moved beyond mere tactics and had entirely committed itself to collaboration with the DC.<ref>{{cite book |last=Edwards |first=Phil |date=2009 |title='More work! Less pay!' Rebellion and repression in Italy, 1972–77 |location=Manchester |publisher=[[Manchester University Press]] |page=52–53 |isbn=9780719078736}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Hellman |first=Stephen |date=1988 |title=
Italian Communism in Transition: The Rise and Fall of the Historic Compromise in Turin, 1975-1980 |location=Oxford |publisher=[[Oxford University Press]] |page=31–32 |isbn=9780195053357}}</ref> Even inside the PCI leadership, there was uncertainty about what the compromise would entail due to its overall vagueness and lack of a clear programme. Former party secretary [[Luigi Longo]] criticized it while discussing the [[1975 Italian regional elections|1975 election]], stating that the proposed alliance was "enigmatic and ambiguous, and this ambiguity probably contributed to our electoral success, but the proposal remains impracticable and will lead us into passivity."<ref>{{cite book |last=Magri |first=Lucio |date=2018 |title=The Tailor of Ulm: A History of Communism |location=London |publisher=Verso |page=270 |isbn=9781786635549}}</ref><ref>{{Britannica URL | url=https://www.britannica.com/biography/Luigi-Longo | title=Luigi Longo }}</ref> However, [[Lucio Magri]] also notes that Berlinguer "enjoyed unlimited trust" in the ranks of his party, and was not rebuked when he moved to the right on such sensitive topics as Italian [[NATO]] membership.<ref>{{cite book |last=Magri |first=Lucio |date=2018 |title=The Tailor of Ulm: A History of Communism |location=London |publisher=Verso |page=273 |isbn=9781786635549}}</ref>

Finally, in the aftermath of the [[1976 Italian general election|1976 election]], the PCI started to provide external support to a Christian Democratic one-party government led by Andreotti. This [[minority government]] – the DC had achieved a score of 38,8% – derived its legitimacy simply from the promise of the PCI and PSI to refrain from [[Motion of no confidence|declaring no confidence]] in it.<ref>{{cite book |last=Magri |first=Lucio |date=2018 |title=The Tailor of Ulm: A History of Communism |location=London |publisher=Verso |page=271–272 |isbn=9781786635549}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=Edwards |first=Phil |date=2009 |title='More work! Less pay!' Rebellion and repression in Italy, 1972–77 |location=Manchester |publisher=[[Manchester University Press]] |page=53 |isbn=9780719078736}}</ref> Despite official PCI support, several radical [[communism|communists]] in the PCI {{Clarify|text=boycotted the DC government.|date=November 2024}} There was an increase in [[far-left terrorism]], mainly committed by the [[Red Brigades]] ({{langx|it|Brigate Rosse}}, BR). In response to this, the PCI started supporting repressive police measures. Criminologist Phil Edwards notes that this further damaged its anti-establishment credentials: "Rather than a principled loyalty to the constitution on which the Italian state had been founded, the party now appeared to stand for unconditional loyalty to the state as it was."<ref>{{cite book |last=Edwards |first=Phil |date=2009 |title='More work! Less pay!' Rebellion and repression in Italy, 1972–77 |location=Manchester |publisher=[[Manchester University Press]] |page=55 |isbn=9780719078736}}</ref>
The BR [[Kidnapping of Aldo Moro|kidnapped Aldo Moro]], the then Party President of DC, on 16 March 1978. After several consultations in the [[Italian Parliament]], the government refused the terrorists' conditions, and Moro was killed on 9 May 1978. Nevertheless, the Compromise continued but it was in decline.

At the DC's Fourteenth Congress in 1980, the DC's moderate wing (the "Democratic Initiative", "Dorothean" and "New Force" factions) won with an anti-communist programme, obtaining 57.7% of the vote, while the DC's conservative wing and [[Giulio Andreotti]]'s faction "Spring", obtained 42.3% with a pro-Compromise program. The new DC Secretary became [[Flaminio Piccoli]], a Dorothean, and the Compromise was discontinued. It was replaced with Christian Democracy's political alliance with the other center-left parties known as the [[Pentapartito]].

The PCI also started distancing itself from the Historic Compromise on its Fifteenth Congress in 1979. On November 28, 1980, in [[Salerno]], Berlinguer officially announced the policy's demise.<ref>{{cite book |last=Balampanidis |first=Ioannis |date=2019 |title=Eurocommunism: From the Communist to the Radical European Left |location=London and New York |publisher=[[Routledge]] |page=63 |isbn=9780815373322}}</ref>

==See also==
*[[Grand coalition (Germany)]]
*[[Strategy of tension]]
*[[Years of Lead (Italy)]]

==Notes==
{{Reflist}}
{{Italian Communist Party}}
{{Historical Italian political parties}}
{{Authority control}}

[[Category:Aldo Moro]]
[[Category:Defunct political party alliances in Italy]]
[[Category:Political history of Italy]]
[[Category:Modern history of Italy]]
[[Category:Grand coalition governments]]
[[Category:Political compromises in Europe]]