Editing Multilateralism

{{short description|Alliance between multiple countries in pursuit of a common goal}}
In [[international relations]], '''multilateralism''' refers to an [[alliance]] of multiple countries pursuing a common goal. Multilateralism is based on the principles of inclusivity, equality, and cooperation, and aims to foster a more peaceful, prosperous, and sustainable world.<ref name="b774">{{cite tech report | last=Wijk | first=Rob de | last2=Thompson | first2=Jack | last3=Chavannes | first3=Esther | title=Adjusting the Multilateral System to Safeguard Dutch Interests | year=2020 | jstor=resrep26672.5 | url=http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep26672.5 | access-date=May 9, 2024 | page=17–33}}</ref> 
[[Middle powers]] play a crucial role in the international system by promoting multilateralism and [[Internationalism (politics)|internationalism]].<ref name="p046">{{cite journal | last=Efstathopoulos | first=Charalampos | title=Global IR and the middle power concept: exploring different paths to agency | journal=Australian Journal of International Affairs | volume=77 | issue=2 | date=March 4, 2023 | issn=1035-7718 | doi=10.1080/10357718.2023.2191925 | pages=213–232| hdl=2160/6266dc76-5168-4a2c-8e33-4bd207139ff0 | hdl-access=free }}</ref><ref name="f298">{{cite book | last=Laurence | first=Marion | title=Oxford Research Encyclopedia of International Studies | chapter=Middle Powers | publisher=Oxford University Press | date=October 18, 2023 |isbn=978-0-19-084662-6 | doi=10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.783 }}</ref>

One of the key advantages of multilateralism is that it enables countries to solve problems that transcend national boundaries, such as climate change, terrorism, and pandemics, through shared responsibility and burden-sharing.<ref name="i412">{{cite book | author=OECD | title=OECD Science, Technology and Innovation Outlook 2021 Times of Crisis and Opportunity: Times of Crisis and Opportunity | publisher=OECD Publishing | year=2021 |isbn=978-92-64-78432-1 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Vo0TEAAAQBAJ&pg=PA42 | access-date=May 9, 2024 | page=42}}</ref> However, multilateralism is not without its challenges. The rise of populism, nationalism, and protectionism in some countries has raised concerns about the future of multilateralism and the effectiveness of international cooperation.<ref name="u155">{{cite web | title=The future of multilateralism: three hard facts, three needs and one belief | website=Banque de France | date=October 11, 2023 | url=https://www.banque-france.fr/en/governors-interventions/future-multilateralism-three-hard-facts-three-needs-and-one-belief | access-date=May 9, 2024}}</ref>

== Definitions ==
Multilateralism, in the form of membership in international institutions,<!-- Is it appropriated to say that multilateralism is 'necessary' when it can be dangerous when exercised in a somewhat unfair or unequal way without the consent of the other side, in this case, the other states? --> serves to bind powerful nations, discourage [[unilateralism]], and gives small powers a voice and influence that they could not otherwise exercise. For a small power to influence a great power, the [[Lilliput and Blefuscu|Lilliputian]] strategy of small countries banding together to collectively bind a larger one can be effective. Similarly, multilateralism may allow one great power to influence another great power. For a great power to seek control through bilateral ties could be costly; it may require bargaining and compromise with the other great power.

Miles Kahler defines multilateralism as "international governance" or [[global governance]] of the "many," and its central principle was "opposition [to] [[Bilateralism|bilateral]] discriminatory arrangements that were believed to enhance the leverage of the powerful over the weak and to increase international conflict.";<ref>Kahler, Miles. "Multilateralism with Small and Large Numbers." International Organization, 46, 3 (Summer 1992),681.</ref>  [[Robert Keohane]] defined it as "the practice of coordinating national policies in groups of three or more states."<ref>Keohane, Robert O. "Multilateralism: An Agenda for Research." International Journal, 45 (Autumn 1990), 731.; see for a definition of the special features of "regional multilateralism" Michael, Arndt (2013). India's Foreign Policy and Regional Multilateralism (Palgrave Macmillan), pp. 12-16.</ref>

[[John Ruggie]] further elaborated the concept in his influential writings on multilateralism. Based on principles of "indivisibility" and "diffuse [[reciprocity (international relations)|reciprocity]] <!-- I think the term 'reciprocity' is somewhat unequal. It seems like upper-level state giving sth in terms of generosity to the lower state -->he defined it as "an institutional form which coordinates relations among three or more states based on 'generalized' principles of conduct ... which specify appropriate conduct for a class of actions, without regard to particularistic interests of the parties or the strategic exigencies that may exist in any occurrence."<ref name="John Ruggie 1992, pp 561-598">John Ruggie, "Multilateralism: the anatomy of an institution, "International Organization, 46:3, summer 1992, pp 561-598.</ref> He further clarified that multilateralism is 'a unique product of US global hegemony [. . . ] not necessarily a post-war American invention', but a reflection of post-war 'American [[hegemony]]'.<ref>{{Citation |last=Acharya |first=Amitava |editor-first1=Thomas G |editor-first2=Sam |editor-last1=Weiss |editor-last2=Daws |title=Multilateralism and the Changing World Order |date=2018-06-28 |url= |work=The Oxford Handbook on the United Nations |pages=780–796 |publisher=Oxford University Press |doi=10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803164.013.43 |isbn=978-0-19-880316-4 |access-date=}}</ref>

Embedding the target state in a multilateral alliance reduces the costs borne by the power-seeking control, but it also offers the same binding benefits of the Lilliputian strategy. Furthermore, if a small power seeks control over another small power, multilateralism may be the only choice, because small powers rarely have the resources to exert control on their own. As such, power disparities are accommodated to the weaker states by having more predictable bigger states and means to achieve control through collective action. Powerful states also buy into multilateral agreements by writing the rules and having privileges such as veto power and special status.{{Citation needed|date=September 2022}}

[[International organizations]], such as the [[United Nations]] (UN) and the [[World Trade Organization]], are multilateral in nature. The main proponents of multilateralism have traditionally been the [[middle power]]s, such as Canada, Australia, Switzerland, the [[Benelux]] countries and the [[Nordic countries]]. Larger states often act [[Unilateralism|unilaterally]], while smaller ones may have little direct power in [[International relations|international affairs]] aside from participation in the United Nations (by consolidating their UN vote in a voting bloc with other nations, for example.) Multilateralism may involve several nations acting together, as in the UN, or may involve regional or military alliances, pacts, or groupings, such as [[NATO]]. These multilateral institutions are not imposed on states but are created and accepted by them to increase their ability to seek their own interests through the coordination of their policies. <!-- there might be some criticizing that the UN lacks the power to enforce, but is this an objective term?  --> Moreover, they serve as frameworks that constrain opportunistic behaviour and encourage coordination by facilitating the exchange of information about the actual behaviour of states regarding the standards to which they have consented.

The term "regional multilateralism" has been proposed by [[Harris Mylonas]] and Emirhan Yorulmazlar, suggesting that "contemporary problems can be better solved at the regional rather than the bilateral or global levels" and that bringing together the concept of [[regional integration]] with that of multilateralism is necessary in today's world.<ref>Harris Mylonas and Emirhan Yorulmazlar, "[https://web.archive.org/web/20120118143839/http://globalpublicsquare.blogs.cnn.com/2012/01/14/regional-multilateralism-should-be-the-next-paradigm-in-global-affairs/ Regional multilateralism: The next paradigm in global affairs]", ''CNN'', January 14, 2012.</ref> [[Regionalism (international relations)|Regionalism]] dates from the time of the earliest development of political communities, where economic and political relations naturally had a strong regionalist focus due to restrictions on technology, trade, and communications.<ref>[[Andrew Hurrell]], "One world, many worlds: the place of regions in the study of international society," International Affairs, 83:1, 2007, pp 127-146.</ref>

The [[conversion (logic)|converse]] of multilateralism is [[unilateralism]], in terms of [[political philosophy]].  Other authors have used the term "minilateralism" to refer to the fewest states required to get the biggest results through this institutional form.<ref>{{Citation|last=Brummer|first=Chris|chapter=Managing Minilateralism|pages=165–198|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-1-107-28199-8|doi=10.1017/cbo9781107281998.006|title=Minilateralism|year=2014}}</ref>

The foreign policy that India formulated after independence reflected its idiosyncratic culture and political traditions. Speaking in the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Parliament of India, in March 1950, Nehru affirmed: “It should not be supposed that we are starting on a clean slate. It is a policy that flowed from our recent history and our national movement and its development and various ideals, we have proclaimed. (Nehru, 1961, p.&nbsp;34). In fact, the foreign policy culture of India is an elite culture, meaning, in effect, that the writings and speeches of select leading figures of the Indian foreign policy elite provide an insight into the key ideas and norms constituting the foundation of [[foreign policy of India|India's foreign policy]].<ref>{{cite book|url=https://www.palgrave.com/gp/book/9781137263117#aboutBook|title=India's Foreign Policy and Regional Multilateralism|last1=Ardnt|first1=Michael|date=2013|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan UK|edition=1|location=London, UK|doi=10.1057/9781137263124|isbn=978-1-349-44245-4|access-date=1 October 2018}}</ref>

== History ==
One modern instance of multilateralism occurred in the nineteenth century in Europe after the end of the [[Napoleonic Wars]], where the great powers met to redraw the map of Europe at the [[Congress of Vienna]] (November 1814 to June 1815). The [[Concert of Europe]], as it became known, was a group of great and lesser powers that would meet to resolve issues peacefully. Conferences such as the [[Conference of Berlin]] in 1884 helped reduce power conflicts during this period, and the 19th century was one of Europe's most peaceful.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Adogame|first1=Afe|title=The Berlin-Congo Conference 1884: The Partition of Africa and Implications for Christian Mission Today|journal=Journal of Religion in Africa|date=2004|volume=34|issue=1/2|page=188|doi=10.1163/157006604323056778}}</ref>

Industrial and colonial competition, combined with shifts in the balance of power after the creation - by diplomacy and conquest - of Germany by Prussia meant cracks were appearing in this system by the turn of the 20th century. The concert system was utterly destroyed by the [[World War I|First World War]]. After that conflict, world leaders created the [[League of Nations]] (which became the precursor of the [[United Nations]]) in an attempt to prevent a similar conflict.<ref>"The United Nations: An Introduction for Students." UN News Center. UN, n.d. Web. 25 Sept. 2013. <http://www.un.org/cyberschoolbus/unintro/unintro3.htm>.</ref>  Although the League of Nations failed in its security mission, it initiated a variety of specialized organizations that continue to operate today.  Moreover, although the US did not join, it did provide a degree of support from individual Americans and American philanthropies that started a tradition of public and private participation.<ref>{{Cite book|title=The League of Nations|last=Ostrower|first=Gary B.|publisher=Avery Publishing Group|year=1996|isbn=0-89529-636-5|url-access=registration|url=https://archive.org/details/leagueofnationsf00ostr}}</ref>

After the Second World War the victors, drawing upon experience from the League's failure, created the United Nations in 1945. Since then, the "breadth and diversity" of multilateral arrangements have escalated.<ref name="John Ruggie 1992, pp 561-598"/> Unlike the League, the UN had the active participation of the United States and the [[Soviet Union]], the world's then greatest contemporary powers. Along with the political institutions of the UN, the post-war years also saw the development of organizations such as the [[General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade]] (GATT) (now the [[World Trade Organization]]), the [[World Bank]], and the [[International Monetary Fund]] (IMF) (the so-called '[[Bretton Woods system|Bretton Woods]]' institutions), and other technical institutions that were part of the UN system—including the [[World Health Organization]]. Formation of these and other subsequent bodies under the United Nations made the new system more powerful than the old League system.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Swords into plowshares: the problems and progress of international organization|last=Claude, Inis L.|date=1984|publisher=Random House|isbn=0-394-34053-1|oclc=11425625}}</ref> Moreover, United Nations [[peacekeeping|peacekeepers]] stationed around the world became a visible symbol of multilateralism.  Later, the [[NATO|North Atlantic Treaty Organization]] (NATO) was formed as a defensive alliance that used the multilateral form to promote [[collective security]] in the postwar era.

Multilateral institutions of varying scope and subject matter range from the [[International Telecommunication Union]] (ITU) to the [[World Intellectual Property Organization]] (WIPO) and [[Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons]] (OPCW)

== Challenges ==
The multilateral system has encountered mounting challenges since the end of the Cold War.<ref>Kim Fontaine-Skronski, Valériane Thool & Norbert Eschborn, ''Does the UN Model Still Work? Challenges and Prospects for the Future of Multilateralism'', Leiden, Brill, 2023, https://brill.com/display/title/61341</ref>

The United States became increasingly dominant in terms of military and [[economic power]], which has led countries such as Iran, China and India to question the UN's relevance. Concurrently, a perception developed among internationalists such as former [[Secretary-General of the United Nations|UN Secretary-General]] [[Kofi Annan]], that the United States is more inclined to act unilaterally in situations with international implications. This trend began when the U.S. Senate, in October 1999, refused to ratify the [[Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty]], which President [[Bill Clinton]] had signed in September 1996.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Hook |first1=Steven |title=American Foreign Policy Since World War II |last2=Spanier |first2=John |publisher=CQ Press |year=2007 |isbn=978-1-933116-71-6 |page=305 |chapter=Chapter 12: America Under Fire |name-list-style=amp}}</ref> Under President [[George W. Bush]] the United States rejected such multilateral agreements as the [[Kyoto Protocol]], the [[International Criminal Court]], the [[Ottawa Treaty]] banning [[Anti-personnel mine|anti-personnel land mines]] and a draft protocol to ensure compliance by States with the [[Biological Weapons Convention]]. Also under the [[Presidency of George W. Bush|George W. Bush administration]], the United States withdrew from the [[Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty]], which the Richard [[Presidency of Richard Nixon|Nixon administration]] and the Soviet Union had signed in 1972.

These challenges presented by the U.S. could be explained by a strong belief in bilateral alliances as instruments of control. Liberal institutionalists would argue, though, that great powers might still opt for a multilateral alliance. But great powers can amplify their capabilities to control small powers and maximize their leverage by forging a series of bilateral arrangements with allies, rather than see that leverage diluted in a multilateral forum. Arguably, the Bush administration favoured bilateralism over multilateralism, or even unilateralism, for similar reasons. Rather than going it alone or going it with others, the administration opted for intensive one-on-one relationships with handpicked countries that maximized the U.S. capacity to achieve its objectives.<ref>Cha, Victor D. "Powerplay: Origins of the US alliance system in Asia." International Security 34.3 (2010):166-167</ref>

Another challenge in global governance through multilateralism involves national sovereignty. Regardless of the erosion of nation-states' legal and operational sovereignty in international relations, "nation-states remain the ultimate locus of authoritative decision making regarding most facets of public and private life".<ref name=" Stanley Hoffmann pp 27-35">Stanley Hoffmann, “World governance: beyond utopia,” Daedalus, 132:1, pp 27-35.</ref> [[Stanley Hoffmann|Hoffman]] asserted that nation-states are "unlikely to embrace abstract obligations that clash with concrete calculations of national interest."<ref name="Stanley Hoffmann pp 27-35"/>

Global multilateralism is challenged, particularly with respect to trade, by regional arrangements such as the [[European Union]] and [[NAFTA]], although these are not in themselves incompatible with larger accords. The original sponsor of post-war multilateralism in economic regimes, the United States, turned towards unilateral action and in trade and other negotiations as a result of dissatisfaction with the outcomes of multilateral fora. As the most powerful nation, the United States had the least to lose from abandoning multilateralism; the weakest nations have the most to lose, but the cost for all would be high.<ref name="McLeanMcMillan2009">{{cite book|author1=Iain McLean|author2=Alistair McMillan|title=The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8JkyAwAAQBAJ&pg=PT519|date=26 February 2009|publisher=OUP Oxford|isbn=978-0-19-101827-5|page=519}}</ref>  Aside from changes in the US, [[Populism in Europe#21st century|populism in Europe]] has proven to be problematic to multilateralism in recent years.  Results from direct elections to the [[European Parliament]] give evidence to this claim, as Eurosceptic parties have made advances.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://election-results.eu/|title=Home {{!}} 2019 European election results {{!}} European Parliament|website=www.election-results.eu/|language=en|access-date=2019-09-09}}</ref>

== Comparison with bilateralism ==
{| class="wikitable floatright"
|-
|+Powerplay: Bilateral versus Multilateral Control
|-
| 
| Target State:<br />Small Power
| Target State:<br />Great Power
|-
| Small power(s) seeking<br />control over target
| Quadrant 1<br />multilateralism
| Quadrant 2<br />multilateralism
|-
| Great power seeking control<br />over target
| Quadrant 3<br />bilateralism
| Quadrant 4<br />multilateralism
|-
|colspan=3|Source: [[Victor Cha]]'s ''Powerplay: Bilateral versus Multilateral Control''.<ref name="Cha, Victor D 2010">Cha, Victor D. "Powerplay: Origins of the US alliance system in Asia." International Security 34.3 (2010): 165-166</ref>
|}

When enacting foreign policies, governments face a choice between unilateralism, [[bilateralism]] and multilateralism.

Bilateralism means coordination with another single country. Multilateralism has attempted to find common ground based on generalized principles of conduct, in addition to details associated with a particular agreement. [[Victor Cha]] argued that: power asymmetries predict the type of structures, bilateral or multilateral, that offer the most control. If small powers try to control a larger one, then multilateralism is effective. But if great powers seek control over smaller ones, bilateral alliances are more effective.<ref name="Cha, Victor D 2010" />

Thus, a country's decision to select bilateralism or multilateralism when enacting foreign policies is greatly affected by its size and power, as well as the size and power of the country over which it seeks to control. Take the example of [[Foreign Policy of the United States]]. Many references discuss how the United States interacts with other nations. In particular, the United States chose multilateralism in Europe and decided to form [[NATO]], while it formed bilateral alliances, or the [[San Francisco System|Hub and spokes architecture]], in East Asia. Although there are many arguments about the reasons for this, Cha's "[[powerplay (theory)|powerplay]]" theory provides one possible reason. He argued: <blockquote>...postwar U.S planners had to contend with a region uniquely constituted of potential rogue allies, through their aggressive behaviour, could potentially entrap the United States in an unwanted wider war in Asia... To avoid this outcome, the United States created a series of tight, deep bilateral alliances with Taiwan, South Korea, and Japan through which it could exercise maximum control and prevent unilateral aggression. Furthermore, it did not seek to make these bilateral alliances multilateral, because it wanted to amplify U.S. control and minimize any collusion among its partners.<ref name="Cha, Victor D 2010"/></blockquote>

==See also==
{{columns-list|colwidth=22em|
* [[ASEAN]]
* [[Asymmetric negotiation]]
* [[East Asian Summit]]
* [[European Union]]
* [[Hegemony]]
* [[Internationalism (politics)]]
* [[Intergovernmental organization]]
* [[New world order (politics)]]
* [[North American Free Trade Agreement]]
* [[Open Government Partnership]]
* [[Perpetual peace]]
* [[Plurinationalism]]
* [[Polarity in international relations]]
* [[World Federation of United Nations Associations]]
}}

==Notes==
{{reflist|refs=Michale Yahuda, The International Politics of the Asia-Pacific (New York: Routledge, 2011)}}
<references group="Michale Yahuda, The International Politics of the Asia-Pacific (New York: Routledge, 2011)" />

==Further reading==
* {{cite journal |last1=Woods |first1=Ngaire |title=Multilateralism in the Twenty-First Century |journal=Global Perspectives |date=2023 |volume=4 |issue=1 |pages=68310 |doi=10.1525/gp.2023.68310 |doi-access=free}}
* Kim Fontaine-Skronski, Valériane Thool & Norbert Eschborn, ''Does the UN Model Still Work? Challenges and Prospects for the Future of Multilateralism'', Brill, 2023, {{ISBN|978-90-04-51648-9}} 
* Kathryn C. Lavelle, ''The Challenges of Multilateralism'' (New Haven:  Yale University Press, 2020). {{ISBN|978-0-300-23045-1}}
* Nicola Contessi, "Multilateralism" in Joel Krieger (ed.) ''Oxford Companion to International Relations'' (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2014), pp.&nbsp;96–101. 
* Edward Newman, Ramesh Rhakur and John Tirman, ''Multilateralism Under Challenge'' (Tokyo: United Nations Press, 2006).
* Michale Yahuda, ''The International Politics of the Asia-Pacific'' (New York: Routledge, 2011)
* [[Rorden Wilkinson]], ''Multilateralism and the World Trade Organisation: The Architecture and Extension of International Trade Regulation'' (New York: Routledge, 2000).
* {{Cite book|title=Swords into plowshares : the problems and progress of international organization|last=Claude, Inis L.|date=1984|publisher=Random House|isbn=0-394-34053-1|oclc=246372664}}
{{International power}}

[[Category:International relations theory]]
[[Category:Multilateral relations| ]]