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{{Short description|19th-century British diplomatic practice}} {{About||the album by Yonderboi|Splendid Isolation (album)|the song by Warren Zevon|Transverse City|the novel by Edna O'Brien|House of Splendid Isolation}} {{EngvarB|date=May 2015}} {{Use dmy dates|date=May 2015}} '''Splendid isolation''' is a term used to describe the 19th-century British diplomatic practice of avoiding permanent alliances from 1815 to 1902. The concept developed as early as 1822, when Britain left the post-1815 [[Concert of Europe]], and continued until the 1902 [[Anglo-Japanese Alliance]] and the 1904 [[Entente Cordiale]] with France. As Europe was divided into two [[power bloc]]s, Britain became aligned with the [[French Third Republic]] and the [[Russian Empire]] (known as the [[Triple Entente]]) against the [[German Empire]], [[Austria-Hungary]] and the [[Kingdom of Italy]] ([[Triple Alliance (1882)|The Triple Alliance]]). The term was coined in January 1896 by a Canadian politician, [[George Eulas Foster]]. He indicated his approval for Britain's minimal involvement in European affairs by saying "In these somewhat troublesome days when the great Mother Empire stands splendidly isolated in Europe."{{sfn|Roberts|2000|p=629}} There is considerable historical debate over the extent to which this approach was intentional or accidental, its impact, or even if it ever existed, other than as a useful phrase. == Background == {{Further|International relations of the Great Powers (1814–1919)|History of the foreign relations of the United Kingdom}} [[Image:George Canning by Richard Evans - detail.jpg|thumb|right|upright=0.8|Foreign Secretary [[George Canning]] (1770–1827), reputed originator of the policy]] Nineteenth-century British foreign policy was characterised by a reluctance to enter into permanent alliances with other [[Great Power]]s. Often assumed to apply only to the latter part of the century, some historians argue it originated after the 1822 [[Congress of Verona]], when Britain withdrew from the post-1815 [[Concert of Europe]], guided by Foreign Secretary [[George Canning]]. His principles dominated British foreign policy for decades, and have been summarised as follows; {{quote|Non-intervention; no European police system; every nation for itself, and God for us all; balance of power; respect for facts, not for abstract theories; respect for treaty rights, but caution in extending them...England not Europe...Europe's domain extends to the shores of the Atlantic, England's begins there.{{sfn|Temperley|1925|p=342}}}} For much of the 19th century, Britain sought to maintain the existing [[Balance of power (international relations)|balance of power]] in Europe, while protecting trade routes to its colonies and [[dominion]]s, especially those connecting to [[British India]] through the [[Suez Canal]]. In 1866, the Foreign Secretary [[Edward Stanley, 15th Earl of Derby|Lord Derby]] explained this policy as follows: <blockquote>It is the duty of the Government of this country, placed as it is with regard to geographical position, to keep itself upon terms of goodwill with all surrounding nations, but not to entangle itself with any single or monopolising alliance with any one of them; above all to endeavour not to interfere needlessly and vexatiously with the internal affairs of any foreign country.''<ref>{{cite book|last=Great Britain. Parliament|title=The parliamentary debates |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=bk0zAQAAMAAJ&pg=RA2-PA83|year=1866|page=735}}</ref></blockquote> One exception was the 1839 [[Treaty of London (1839)|Treaty of London]], recognising the independence of [[Belgium]], which led to Britain entering [[World War I]] in 1914. The ports of [[Ostend]], [[Antwerp]] and [[Zeebrugge]] were so important to ensuring control of the [[English Channel]], Britain guaranteed Belgian independence, by military means if required.{{sfn|Schroeder|1994|pp=671–691}} == Bismarck and Salisbury == [[File:Robert Arthur Talbot Gascoyne-Cecil, Vanity Fair, 1900-12-20.jpg|left|thumb|upright=0.8|Lord Salisbury caricatured by [[Leslie Ward|Spy]], 1900]] After the founding of the [[German Empire|German Reich]] in 1871, [[German Chancellor]] [[Otto von Bismarck|Bismarck]] created the 1873 [[League of the Three Emperors]], or ''Dreikaiserbund'', between Austria-Hungary, Russia and Germany. In 1878, the League collapsed due to competing Austrian and Russian aims in the [[Balkans]], with Germany and Austria-Hungary forming the [[Dual Alliance, 1879|1879 Dual Alliance]]. This became the [[Triple Alliance (1882)|Triple Alliance]] in 1882 with the addition of Italy.{{sfnm |1a1=Keegan |1y=1998 |1p=52 |2a1=Willmott |2y=2003 |2p=15}} Unlike his successors, Bismarck viewed a war on two fronts as potentially fatal for Germany; his key foreign policy aims were friendship with Russia, and the isolation of France. When the French attempted to negotiate a Russian alliance in 1881, he persuaded Austria and Russia to join a reconstituted ''Dreikaiserbund''.{{sfn|Medlicott|1945|pp=66–70}} Even after the League finally dissolved in 1887, Bismarck replaced it with the [[Reinsurance Treaty]], a secret agreement with Russia to observe '[[benevolent neutrality]]', in the event of an attack by France on Germany, or Austria-Hungary on Russia.{{sfn|Taylor|1954|pp=316–319}} British Prime Minister [[Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury|Lord Salisbury]] once defined his foreign policy as "to float lazily downstream, putting out the occasional diplomatic boathook."{{sfn|Morgan|Silvestri|1982|p=115}} He defined this as avoiding war with another Great Power, or combination of Powers, and securing communications with the Empire. A recurring concern was Russian access to the Mediterranean, in this case by acquiring [[Constantinople]] and the [[Dardanelles]].{{efn|This was, and remains, a long-standing Russian objective; in 1914, 50 per cent of total Russian exports, and 90 per cent of agricultural, went through the Straits. The [[Russian naval facility in Tartus]] is a key element driving their involvement in the [[Syrian civil war]].{{sfn|Coffey|2016}}}} A factor in the 1853–1856 [[Crimean War]], it resurfaced during the 1875–1878 [[Great Eastern Crisis]], when [[jingoism]] demonstrated a growing sense of insecurity among British media and politicians.{{sfn|Whitehead|2014|pp=308–310}} [[File:British Empire in 1898.png|thumb|right|upright=1.5|The British Empire in 1898]] After occupying Egypt in the 1882 [[Anglo-Egyptian War]], Britain negotiated the 1887 [[Mediterranean Agreements (1887)|Mediterranean Agreements]] with Italy and Austria-Hungary. These were not considered treaties, simply an undertaking to discuss problems should they arise, and thus did not require approval by Parliament. Since Britain shared Austrian concern over Russian expansion in South-East Europe, and Austria generally followed Germany, it allowed Salisbury and Bismarck to align without a formal alliance.{{sfn|Charmley|1999|pp=222–223}} In the 1885 [[Panjdeh incident]], Russian troops occupied an oasis near the disputed border between [[Emirate_of_Afghanistan|Afghanistan]] and Russian-occupied [[Turkmenistan]]. Always sensitive to potential threats in this area, Britain threatened a military response, before both sides backed down, and agreed a negotiated solution.{{sfn|Pillalamarri|2015}} However, the Ottomans refused a British request to allow warships access to the [[Black Sea]], a position strongly supported by all the European powers. Taylor suggests it was "the most formidable display of Continental hostility to Britain between Napoleon's day and Hitler's".{{sfn|Taylor|1962|p= 558}} ==Post-Bismarck== [[Image:1890 Bismarcks Ruecktritt.jpg|left|upright=0.8|thumb|''[[Dropping the Pilot]]''; [[Punch (magazine)|Punch]], 29 March 1890]] Although concerned by increasing German industrial and military strength post-1871, British politicians were reassured by Bismarck's efforts to maintain the status quo, one example being the 1890 [[Heligoland–Zanzibar Treaty]].{{sfn|Gillard|1960|pp=631–653}} His dismissal by [[Wilhelm II]] in 1890 introduced greater uncertainty into international politics, at a time when Britain faced numerous foreign policy challenges. The [[Near East]] and the [[Balkans]] were destabilised by the decline of the [[Ottoman Empire]], and the expansionist ambitions of other European powers. In [[East Africa]], Britain and France nearly came to blows in the 1898 [[Fashoda Incident]]; in [[Southern Africa]], the [[Boer Republics]] had become increasingly restive. For domestic political reasons, [[Grover Cleveland|President Cleveland]] manufactured a quarrel over [[Venezuela]]'s border with [[British Guiana]]. Russian expansion in [[Central Asia]] during the 19th century had brought them to the edge of [[British India]], while the two also competed in nominally independent [[History_of_Iran#Qajar_dynasty_(1796–1925)|Persia]].{{sfn|Hopkirk|1990|pp=4–5}} In China and East Asia, British economic interests were threatened by powers such as [[Empire_of_Japan|Japan]], Russia, and the [[United States]].{{sfn|Hayes|1978|pp=63–110}} The most pressing issue was Germany, caused by Wilhelm's determination to challenge the [[Royal Navy]], which led to the [[Anglo-German naval arms race|naval arms race]]. A tendency to make aggressive statements was as much of a problem as his erratic foreign policy. It included securing 'compensation' for Germany in Africa, China and the Pacific, provision of military support for the Boers, and growing economic and military influence in the Ottoman Empire.{{sfn|McMeekin|2015|pp=25–28}} Wilhelm's aim was to end "Britain's free ride on the coat-tails of the Triple Alliance."{{sfn|Charmley|1999|p=228}} ==Abandonment== In 1898, the [[Secretary of State for the Colonies|Colonial Secretary]] [[Joseph Chamberlain]] tried to negotiate an alliance with Germany. He spoke publicly of Britain's diplomatic predicament, saying "We have had no allies. I am afraid we have had no friends ... We stand alone."{{sfn|Massie|1997|pp=245–247}} While unsuccessful, it reflected a growing realisation that Britain's diplomatic isolation during the 1899–1902 [[Second Boer War]] left it dangerously exposed.{{sfn|Cohen|1997|pp=122–134}} [[File:Germany GB France.gif|thumb|right|upright=0.8|The [[Entente Cordiale]]; [[John Bull]] (Britain) walks off with [[Marianne]] (France), while the Kaiser pretends not to care.]] According to G.W. Monger's summary of the Cabinet debates in 1900 to 1902:<blockquote>Chamberlain advocated ending Britain's isolation by concluding an alliance with Germany; [[Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury|Salisbury]] resisted change. With the new crisis in China caused by the Boxer rising and [[Henry Petty-Fitzmaurice, 5th Marquess of Lansdowne|Lansdowne]]'s appointment to the Foreign Office in 1900, those who advocated a change won the upper hand. Lansdowne in turn attempted to reach an agreement with Germany and a settlement with Russia but failed. In the end Britain concluded an alliance with Japan. The decision of 1901 was momentous; British policy had been guided by events, but Lansdowne had no real understanding of these events. The change of policy had been forced on him and was a confession of Britain's weakness.<ref> G. W. Monger, "The End of Isolation: Britain, Germany and Japan, 1900-1902" ''Transactions of the Royal Historical Society'' vol. 13, 1963, pp. 103–21 [https://www.jstor.org/stable/3678731 online]</ref></blockquote> In 1902, Britain and Japan signed the [[Anglo-Japanese Alliance]]; if either were attacked by a third party, the other would remain neutral and if attacked by two or more opponents, the other would come to its aid. This meant Japan could rely on British support in a war with Russia, if either France or Germany, which also had interests in China, decided to join them.{{sfn|Cavendish |2002}} With Britain still engaged in the Boer War, this was arguably a defensive move rather than an end to isolation, a view supported by T. G. Otte, who sees it as reinforcing Britain's aloofness from the Continent and the European alliance systems.{{sfn|Otte|2007|p=306}} The peaceful resolution of the Venezuela issue in 1897 led to the 1901 [[Hay–Pauncefote Treaty]], but it dealt with the [[Panama Canal]], Britain tacitly accepted US supremacy and responsibility for the Americas. Just as the Anglo-Japanese Alliance allowed the Royal Navy to reduce its presence in the [[Far East]], that in the [[Caribbean]] was also significantly reduced as a result.{{sfn|Humphries|1967|p=163}} Primarily for domestic British consumption, the 1904 [[Entente Cordiale]] with France and the 1907 [[Anglo-Russian Convention]] were not formal alliances, and both focused on colonial boundaries in Asia and Africa. However, they cleared the way for co-operation in other areas, making British entry into any future conflict involving France or Russia a strong possibility; these interlocking bilateral agreements became known as the [[Triple Entente]].{{sfn|Willmott|2003|p=15}} In the 1911 [[Agadir Crisis]], Britain backed France against Germany. By 1914, the British army and navy were committed to support France in the event of war with Germany, but even in the government, few were aware of the true extent of these undertakings.{{sfn|Asquith|2014|pp=17–18}} ==Appraisal by historians== Diplomatic historian [[Margaret MacMillan]] argues that by 1897, Britain was indeed isolated, but far from being "splendid"; Britain had no real friends, and was engaged in disputes with the United States, France, Germany, and Russia.{{sfn|Macmillan|2013|p=40}} Historians have debated whether British isolation was intentional, or dictated by contemporary events. [[A.J.P. Taylor]] claimed it existed only in a limited sense: "The British certainly ceased to concern themselves with the Balance of Power in Europe; they supposed that it was self-adjusting. But they maintained close connection with the continental Powers for the sake of affairs outside of Europe, particularly in the Near East."{{sfn|Taylor|1954|p=346}} For [[John Charmley]], splendid isolation was a fiction for the period prior to the [[Franco-Russian Alliance]] of 1894, and reluctantly pursued thereafter.{{sfn|Charmley|1999|loc="Introduction"}} E. David Steele argues that although Salisbury once referred to splendid isolation, he "was being ironical at the expense of those who believed in the possibility."{{sfn|Steele|2002|p=320}} Another biographer claims the term "unfairly affixed itself to (his) foreign policy" and that Salisbury discouraged its use, considering it dangerous to be completely uninvolved with European affairs.{{sfn|Roberts|2000|p=629}} ==See also== * [[History of the foreign relations of the United Kingdom]] *[[Pax Britannica]] ==Notes== {{notelist}} ==References== ===Footnotes=== {{reflist|20em}} ===Bibliography=== {{refbegin|35em|indent=yes}} * {{cite book |last1=Asquith|first1=Margot|author-link=Margot Asquith|editor-last1=Brock|editor-first1=Michael|editor-last2=Brock|editor-first2= Eleanor |title=Margot Asquith's Great War Diary, 1914–1916: The View from Downing Street |date=2014 |location=Oxford |publisher=Oxford University Press|isbn=978-0-19-873772-8}} * {{cite magazine|last1=Cavendish |first1=Richard |title=The 1902 Anglo-Japanese Alliance |journal=History Today |date=January 2002 |volume=52 |issue=1 |url=https://www.historytoday.com/richard-cavendish/anglo-japanese-treaty-alliance |access-date=15 August 2018}} * {{cite book|last=Charmley|first=John|author-link=John Charmley|year=1999|title=Splendid Isolation? Britain and the Balance of Power, 1874–1914|publisher = Sceptre| isbn = 978-0-340-65791-1}} * {{cite news |last1=Coffey |first1=Luke |title=Russia's Emerging Naval Presence in the Mediterranean |url=https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2016/05/russia-emerging-naval-presence-mediterranean-160526074150359.html |access-date=18 June 2020 |publisher=Al Jazeera |date=27 May 2016}} * {{cite journal|last=Cohen |first=Avner |author-link=Avner Cohen |title=Joseph Chamberlain, Lord Lansdowne and British Foreign Policy, 1901–1903: From Collaboration to Confrontation |journal=Australian Journal of Politics & History|date=1997 |volume=43 |issue=2 |pages=122–134 |doi=10.1111/j.1467-8497.1997.tb01383.x |issn=1467-8497}} * {{cite journal |last=Gillard |first=D. R. |title=Salisbury's African Policy and the Heligoland Offer of 1890 |journal=English Historical Review |date=1960 |volume=75 |issue=297 |pages=631–653 |doi=10.1093/ehr/LXXV.297.631 |issn=1477-4534 |jstor=558111}} * {{cite book |last=Hayes |first=Paul M. |title=The Twentieth Century, 1880–1939 |date=1978 |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |isbn=978-0312824099}} * {{cite book |last=Hopkirk |first=Peter |author-link=Peter Hopkirk |title=The Great Game: On Secret Service in High Asia |date=1990 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0719564475|edition=1991}} * {{cite journal|last=Humphries |first=R. A. |author-link=Robin Humphreys |title=Anglo-American Rivalries and the Venezuela Crisis of 1895|journal=Transactions of the Royal Historical Society|date=1967 |volume=17 |pages=131–164 |doi=10.2307/3678723 |issn=1474-0648 |jstor=3678723|s2cid=155581308 }} * {{cite book|last=MacMillan|first=Margaret|author-link=Margaret MacMillan|title=The War That Ended Peace: The Road to 1914|year=2013|publisher=Allen Lane|isbn=978-0670064045}} * {{cite book|last=Massie|first=Robert K.|author-link=Robert K. Massie|title=Dreadnought: Britain, Germany, and the Coming of the Great War|title-link=Dreadnought (book)|year=1997|publisher=Random House Publishing |isbn=9780307819932}} * {{cite journal |last=Medlicott |first=W. N. |author-link=W. N. Medlicott |title=Bismarck and the Three Emperors' Alliance, 1881–87 |journal=Transactions of the Royal Historical Society |date=1945 |volume=27 |pages=61–83 |doi=10.2307/3678575 |issn=1474-0648 |jstor=3678575|s2cid=154285570 }} * {{cite book |editor-last1=Morgan|editor-first1=Roger|editor-last2=Silvestri|editor-first2=Stefano|title=Moderates and Conservatives in Western Europe |date=1982 |location=London |publisher=Heinemann Educational Books |isbn=978-0-435-83615-3}} * {{cite book |last1=Otte|first1=T. G.|title=The China Question: Great Power Rivalry and British Isolation, 1894–1905|date=2007 |location=Oxford |publisher=Oxford University Press |doi=10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199211098.001.0001 |isbn=978-0-19-921109-8}} * {{cite web |last1=Pillalamarri |first1=Akhilesh |date=31 March 2015 |title=How the British and the Russians Drew the Afghan–Turkmen Border |url=https://thediplomat.com/2015/04/how-the-british-and-the-russians-drew-the-afghan-turkmen-border/ |website=The Diplomat |access-date=18 June 2020}} * {{cite book|last=Roberts|first=Andrew|author-link=Andrew Roberts (historian)|title=Salisbury: Victorian Titan|year=2000|publisher=Orion|isbn=978-0297817130}} * {{cite book|last=Schroeder|first=Paul W.|author-link=Paul W. Schroeder|title=The Transformation of European Politics, 1763–1848|year=1994|location=Oxford|publisher=Clarendon Press|isbn=978-0-19-822119-7}} * {{cite book|last=Steele|first=David|author-link=David Steele (historian)|title=Lord Salisbury: A Political Biography|year=2002|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-134-51671-1}} * {{cite book|last=Taylor|first=A. J. P.|author-link=A. J. P. Taylor|title=The Struggle for Mastery in Europe, 1848–1918|title-link=The Struggle for Mastery in Europe 1848–1918|year=1954|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-0198221012|edition=1989}} * {{cite book |last=Taylor|first=A. J. P.|author-link=A. J. P. Taylor|author-mask={{long dash}}|chapter=International Relations|editor-last=Hinsley |editor-first=F. H. |editor-link=Harry Hinsley |title=The New Cambridge Modern History. Volume 11: International Relations in Material Progress and World-Wide Problems, 1870–1898|date=1962 |publisher=Cambridge University Press}} * {{cite book|last=Temperley|first=TV|title=The Foreign Policy of Canning, 1822–1827|year=1925|publisher=G Bell & Sons}} * {{cite thesis|last=Whitehead |first=Cameron Ean Alfred|title=The Bulgarian Horrors: Culture and the International History of the Great Eastern Crisis 1875–1878 |degree=PhD |location=Vancouver |publisher=University of British Columbia |date=2014 |hdl=2429/46524 |hdl-access=free}} {{refend}} ==Further reading== {{refbegin|35em|indent=yes}} * {{cite book |last1=Bourne |first1=Kenneth |title=Foreign Policy of Victorian England, 1830–1902|date=1970|publisher=Clarendon Press |isbn=978-0-19-873007-1}} * {{cite book |last=Chamberlain |first=Muriel E. |author-link=M. E. Chamberlain |year=1989 |title="Pax Britannica"? British Foreign Policy, 1789–1914 |location=London |publisher=Routledge |doi=10.4324/9781315836355 |isbn=978-1-315-83635-5}} * {{cite journal |last=Charmley |first=John |author-link=John Charmley |year=2004 |title=Splendid Isolation to Finest Hour: Britain as a Global Power, 1900–1950 |journal=Contemporary British History |volume=18 |issue=3 |pages=130–146 |doi=10.1080/1361946042000259341 |s2cid=144705899 |issn=1743-7997}} * Goudswaard, Johan Marius. "Some aspects of the end of Britain's" splendid isolation", 1898–1904" Diss. RePub (Erasmus University Library), 1952. [http://repub.eur.nl/pub/8221/CHAPTER5.PDF ch 5 online] (PDF) * {{cite book |editor1-last=Hamilton |editor1-first=Richard F. |editor2-last=Herwig |editor2-first=Holger H. |editor2-link=Holger Herwig |year=2003 |title=Origins of World War I |location=Cambridge, England |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-0-521-81735-6}} * {{cite book |last=Howard |first=C. H. D. |year=1967 |title=Splendid Isolation: A Study of Ideas Concerning Britain's International Position and Foreign Policy During the Later Years of the Third Marquis of Salisbury}} * {{cite book |last=Howard |first=C. H. D. |author-mask={{long dash}} |year=1974 |title=Britain and the Casus Belli, 1822–1902: A Study of Britain's International Position from Canning to Salisbury |publisher=Burns & Oates}} * {{cite book |last=Mombauer |first=Annika |author-link=Annika Mombauer |year=2013 |title=The Origins of the First World War: Controversies and Consensus |location=London |publisher=Routledge |doi=10.4324/9781315838090 |isbn=978-1-315-83809-0}} * {{cite book|last = Roberts| first = Martin| year = 2001| title = Britain 1846–1964: The Challenge of Change |location=Oxford | publisher = Oxford University Press| isbn = 978-0-19-913373-4}} * Seton-Watson, R.W. ''Britain in Europe, 1789–1914.'' (1938); comprehensive history [https://archive.org/download/in.ernet.dli.2015.226175/2015.226175.Britain-In.pdf online] ch 12, 15 * Tarkow-Naamani, Israel. "The Abandonment of “Splendid Isolation” By Great Britain." ''Canadian Historical Review'' 27.2 (1946): 163-188. [https://doi.org/10.3138/chr-027-02-04 online] ** {{cite thesis |last=Tarkow-Naamani |first=Israel |year=1945 |title=The Abandonment of "Splendid Isolation": A Study of British Public Opinion and Diplomacy, 1895–1902 |degree=PhD |publisher=Indiana University}} {{refend}} [[Category:1890s neologisms]] [[Category:1890s quotations]] [[Category:History of the foreign relations of the United Kingdom]] [[Category:19th century in the United Kingdom]] [[Category:Public policy in the United Kingdom]] [[Category:Benjamin Disraeli]] [[Category:History of the Conservative Party (UK)]] [[Category:Conservative Party (UK) terms]] [[Category:Isolationism]] [[Category:Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury]] [[Category:George Canning]]
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