American nationalism

Template:Conservatism US American nationalism is a form of civic, ethnic, cultural or economic influences<ref name="Citizen">

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Template:Cite book</ref> found in the United States.Template:Sfn Essentially, it indicates the aspects that characterize and distinguish the United States as an autonomous political community. The term often explains efforts to reinforce its national identity and self-determination within its national and international affairs.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>

All four forms of nationalism have found expression throughout American history, depending on the historical period. The first Naturalization Act of 1790 passed by Congress and George Washington defined American identity and citizenship on racial lines, declaring that only "free white men of good character" could become citizens, and denying citizenship to enslaved black people and anyone of non-European stock; thus it was a form of ethnic nationalism. Some American scholars have argued that the United States government institutionalized a civic nationalism founded upon legal and rational concepts of citizenship, being based on common language and cultural traditions,Template:Sfn and that the Founding Fathers of the United States established the country upon liberal and individualist principles.

HistoryEdit

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ColonialEdit

The United States traces its origins to the Thirteen Colonies founded by Britain in the 17th and early 18th century. Residents identified with Britain until the mid-18th century when the first sense of being "American" emerged. The Albany Plan proposed a union between the colonies in 1754. Although unsuccessful, it served as a reference for future discussions of independence.

File:Declaration of Independence (1819), by John Trumbull.jpg

John Trumbull's Declaration of Independence is often identified as a depiction of the signing of the Declaration, but it actually shows the five person drafting committee presenting its work to the Second Continental Congress.<ref>Wills, Inventing America, 348.</ref>

American RevolutionEdit

Soon afterward, the colonies faced several common grievances over acts passed by the British Parliament, including taxation without representation. Americans were in general agreement that only their own colonial legislatures—and not Parliament in London—could pass internal taxes. Parliament vigorously insisted otherwise and no compromise was found. The London government punished Boston for the Boston Tea Party, and the Thirteen Colonies united and formed the Continental Congress, which lasted from 1774 to 1789. Fighting broke out in 1775 and the sentiment swung to independence in early 1776, influenced significantly by the appeal to American nationalism by Thomas Paine. His pamphlet Common Sense was a runaway best seller in 1776, read aloud in taverns and coffee houses.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref> Congress unanimously issued a Declaration of Independence announcing a new nation of independent states had formed, the United States of America. American Patriots won the American Revolutionary War and received generous peace terms from Britain in 1783. The minority of Loyalists (loyal to King George III) could remain or leave, but about 80% remained and became full American citizens.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref> Frequent parades along with new rituals and ceremonies—and a new flag—provided popular occasions for expressing a spirit of American nationalism.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>

The new nation operated under the very weak national government set up by the Articles of Confederation, and most Americans prioritized their state over the nation. Nationalists led by George Washington, Alexander Hamilton, and James Madison had Congress call a constitutional convention in 1787. It produced the Constitution for a strong national government which was debated in every state and unanimously adopted. It went into effect in 1789 as the first modern constitutional liberal democracy based on the consent of the governed,<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>Markoff, John. "Where and When Was Democracy Invented?" Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 41, No. 4. (Oct. 1999), pp. 660-690. {{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>Gascoigne, Bamber. "History of Democracy". 2001. {{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> with Washington as the first President.<ref>Larson, Edward J. (2016) George Washington, Nationalist. University of Virginia Press</ref>

Westward ExpansionEdit

In an 1858 speech, future President Abraham Lincoln alluded to a form of American civic nationalism originating from the tenets of the Declaration of Independence as a force for national unity in the United States, stating that it was a method for uniting diverse peoples of different ethnic ancestries into a common nationality:

If they look back through this history to trace their connection with those days by blood, they find they have none, they cannot carry themselves back into that glorious epoch and make themselves feel that they are part of us, but when they look through that old Declaration of Independence they find that those old men say that "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal", and then they feel that moral sentiment taught in that day evidences their relation to those men, that it is the father of all moral principle in them, and that they have a right to claim it as though they were blood of the blood, and flesh of the flesh of the men who wrote the Declaration, and so they are. That is the electric cord in that Declaration that links the hearts of patriotic and liberty-loving men together, that will link those patriotic hearts as long as the love of freedom exists in the minds of men throughout the world.{{#if:Abraham Lincoln|{{#if:|}}
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American Civil WarEdit

White Southerners increasingly felt alienated—they saw themselves as becoming second-class citizens as aggressive anti-slavery Northerners tried to end their ability to enslave people to the fast-growing western territories. They questioned whether their loyalty to the nation trumped their commitment to their state and their way of life since it was so intimately bound up with slavery and whether they could enslave people.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> A sense of Southern nationalism was starting to emerge; however, it was rudimentary as late as 1860 when the election of Lincoln was a signal for most of the slave states in the South to secede and form a new nation.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> The Confederate government insisted the nationalism was real and imposed increasing burdens on the population in the name of independence and nationalism. The fierce combat record of the Confederates demonstrates their commitment to the death for independence. The government and army refused to compromise and were militarily overwhelmed in 1865.<ref>Quigley, Paul (2012) Shifting Grounds: Nationalism and the American South, 1848–1865</ref> By the 1890s, the white South felt vindicated through its belief in the newly constructed memory of the Lost Cause of the Confederacy. The North came to accept or at least tolerate racial segregation and disfranchisement of black voters in the South. The spirit of American nationalism had returned to Dixie.<ref>Foster, Gaines M. (1988) Ghosts of the Confederacy: Defeat, the Lost Cause and the Emergence of the New South, 1865–1913</ref>

Reconstruction, Gilded Age and Progressive EraEdit

File:Uncle Sam's Thanksgiving Dinner (November 1869), by Thomas Nast.jpg

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The North's triumph in the American Civil War marked a significant transition in American national identity. The ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment settled the fundamental question of national identity, such as the criteria for becoming a citizen of the United States. Everyone born in the territorial boundaries of the United States or those areas and subject to its jurisdiction was an American citizen, regardless of ethnicity or social status (indigenous people on reservations became citizens in 1924, while indigenous people off reservations had always been citizens).<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>

In the early 20th century, one of the highest-profile advocates for American nationalism was Theodore Roosevelt. Roosevelt's policies both at home and abroad, which came to be known as the New Nationalism, included an element of a strong national identity. He insisted that one had to be 100% American, not a "hyphenated American" who juggled multiple loyalties.

With a fast-growing industrial economy, immigrants were welcome from Europe, Canada, Mexico, and Cuba, and millions came. Becoming a full citizen was easy, requiring the completion of paperwork over five years.<ref>Archdeacon, Thomas J. (2000) European Immigration from the Colonial Era to the 1920s: A Historical Perspective</ref> However, new Asian arrivals were not welcome. The U.S. imposed restrictions on most Chinese immigrants in the 1880s and informal restrictions on most Japanese in 1907. By 1924, it was difficult for any Asian to enter the United States, but children born in the United States to Asian parents were full citizens. The restrictions were ended on the Chinese in the 1940s and on other Asians in 1965.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>

File:Annexation Here to Stay.jpg

Newspaper reporting the annexation of the Republic of Hawaii in 1898

World Wars and interwar periodEdit

After the United States entered World War I, nationalism surged. Americans enlisted in the military en masse, motivated by propaganda and war films.<ref>Kennedy, David M. Over Here: The First World War and American Society (2004)</ref> There was very little resistance to conscription.<ref>John Whiteclay Chambers II, To Raise an Army: The Draft Comes to Modern America (1987)</ref>

By the First World War, many native-born Protestants were skeptical of recent immigrants to the United States, who were often Catholic or Jewish and spoke languages other than English in their daily lives. There was a strong belief among many in favor of "one hundred percent Americanism", in contrast to "hyphenated Americanism". This was exemplified by the film The Birth of a Nation in 1915 and the rise of the Ku Klux Klan in the 1910s and 20s. In the early- to-mid 20th century, public school education became compulsory in many jurisdictions, with parochial schools being restricted or outlawed. The school day typically began with the Pledge of Allegiance. It was in this milieu that the Immigration Act of 1924 was passed to regulate immigration from Southern and Eastern Europe. However, during this period, citizenship was also extended to Native Americans, both on- and off-reservation, for the first time.

World War II led to unprecedented nationalism in the United States. After the 1941 Attack on Pearl Harbor, many Americans enlisted in the military.<ref name="kennedy">David Kennedy, Freedom from Fear: The American People in Depression and War, 1929-1945 (2001)</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref> During the war, much of American life centered on contributing to the war effort, mainly through volunteer efforts, entry into the labor force, rationing, price controls, and income saving. Citizens willingly accepted these sacrifices out of a sense of nationalism, feeling they were for the greater good.<ref>Schneider, Carl G and Schneider, Dorothy; World War II Template:ISBN</ref><ref>Harold G. Vatter, The U.S. Economy in World War II (1988)</ref> Even members of anti-war groups like the pacifist churches, anti-war movement, and conscientious objectors abandoned their pacifism for the sake of the war, feeling that World War II was a just war.<ref>Mitchell K. Hall, 'A Withdrawal from Peace: The Historical Response to War of the Church of God (Anderson, Indiana),' Journal of Church and State (1985) 27#2</ref><ref>Scott H. Bennett, " American Pacifism, the 'Greatest Generation,' and World War II" in G. Kurt Piehler and Sidney Pash, The United States and the Second World War: New Perspectives on Diplomacy, War, and the Home Front (2010) Online Template:Webarchive</ref><ref name="kennedy"/>

Cold WarEdit

Following World War II and beginning with the Cold War, the United States emerged as a world superpower and abandoned its traditional policy of isolationism in favor of interventionism. With this, nationalism took on a new form in the U.S., as Americans began to view their country as a world police with the ultimate goal of eradicating communism from the world. This nationalist fervor was fueled by US involvement in the Korean War, Vietnam War, Bay of Pigs Invasion, and many other conflicts.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref>

Modern eraEdit

The September 11 attacks of 2001 led to a wave of nationalist expression in the United States. The start of the war on terror was accompanied by a rise in military enlistment that included not only lower-income Americans but also middle-class and upper-class citizens.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> This nationalism continued long into the War in Afghanistan and Iraq War.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>

Contemporary United StatesEdit

Nationalism and Americanism remain topics in the modern United States. Political scientist Paul McCartney, for instance, argues that as a nation defined by a creed and sense of mission, Americans tend to equate their interests with those of humanity, which informs their global posture.<ref>Template:Cite conference</ref> In some instances, it may be considered a form of ethnocentrism and American exceptionalism.

Due to the distinctive circumstances involved throughout history in American politics, its nationalism has developed concerning loyalty to a set of liberal, universal political ideals and perceived accountability to propagate those principles globally. Acknowledging the conception of the United States as accountable for spreading liberal change and promoting democracy throughout the world's politics and governance has defined practically all of American foreign policy. Therefore, democracy promotion is not just another measure of foreign policy, but it is instead the fundamental characteristic of their national identity and political determination.<ref>Monten, Jonathan (2005) "The Roots of the Bush Doctrine: Power, Nationalism, and Democracy Promotion in U.S. Strategy" International Security v.29 n.4 pp.112-156</ref>

Varieties of American nationalismEdit

In a 2016 paper in the American Sociological Review, "Varieties of American Popular Nationalism", sociologists Bart Bonikowski and Paul DiMaggio report on research findings supporting the existence of at least four kinds of American nationalists, including, groups which range from the smallest to the largest: (1) the disengaged, (2) creedal or civic nationalists, (3) ardent nationalists, and (4) restrictive nationalists.<ref name="varieties">Bonikowski, Bart and DiMaggio, Paul (2016) "Varieties of American Popular Nationalism". American Sociological Review, 81(5): 949–980.</ref>

Bonikowski and Dimaggio's analysis of these four groups found that ardent nationalists made up about 24% of their study, and they comprised the largest of the two groups Bonikowski and Dimaggio consider "extreme". Members of this group closely identified with the United States, were very proud of their country and strongly associated themselves with factors of national hubris. They felt that a "true American" must speak English and live in the U.S. for most of their life. Fewer, but 75%, believe that a "true American" must be a Christian, and 86% believe a "true American" must be born in the country. Further, ardent nationalists thought that Jews, Muslims, agnostics and naturalized citizens were something less than genuinely American. The second class, Bonikowski and DiMaggio considered "extreme", was the smallest of the four classes because its members comprised 17% of their respondents. The disengaged showed low pride in the government institutions, and they did not fully identify with the United States. Their lack of pride extended to American democracy, American history, political equality in the U.S., and the country's political influence. This group was the least nationalistic of all of the four groups which they identified.<ref name=varieties />

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Studies supported the idea that the American flag increased nationalism.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>

The two remaining classes were less homogeneous in their responses than the ardent nationalists and disengaged were. Restrictive nationalists had low levels of pride in America and its institutions, but they defined a "true American" in ways that were markedly "exclusionary". This group was the largest of the four because its members comprised 38% of the study's respondents. While their levels of national identification and pride were moderate, they espoused beliefs that caused them to hold restrictive definitions of "true Americans"; for instance, their definitions excluded non-Christians."

The final group to be identified was creedal nationalists (also known as civic nationalists), whose members made up 22% of the study's respondents who were studied. This group believed in liberal values, was proud of the United States, and its members held the fewest restrictions on who could be considered a true American. They closely identified with their country, which they felt "very close" to, and were proud of its achievements. Bonikowski and Dimaggio dubbed the group "creedal" because their beliefs most closely approximated the precepts of what is widely considered the American creed.<ref name=varieties />

As part of their findings, the authors report that the connection between big money, religious belief, and national identity is significant. The belief that being a Christian is an integral part of what it means to be a "true American" is the most significant factor which separates the creedal nationalists and the disengaged from the restrictive and ardent nationalists. They also determined that their groupings cut across partisan boundaries, and they also help to explain what they perceive is the recent success of populist, nativist, and racist rhetoric in American politics.<ref name=varieties />

According to a 2021 American Journal of Sociology study by Bart Bonikowski, Yuval Feinstein, and Sean Bock, competing understandings of American nationhood had emerged in the United States in the prior two decades. They find, "nationalism has become sorted by party, as Republican identifiers have come to define America in more exclusionary and critical terms and Democrats have increasingly endorsed inclusive and positive conceptions of nationhood."<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>

Cultural nationalismEdit

Cultural nationalism has historically been an integral element of American nationalism. Such cultural nationalists form group allegiances based on a common cultural heritage rather than race or political party. This heritage may include culture (Culture of the United States), language (English language), religion (Christianity), history (History of the United States), ideology (Democracy), and symbols (National symbols of the United States). Cultural nationalism is distinct from ethnic nationalism, in which race and ethnicity are emphasized over culture and language.<ref>Template:Cite encyclopedia</ref><ref name="kramer">Template:Cite book</ref>

Nationalism gained a cultural character beginning in the late 18th century. Multiple historical ideas have shaped modern cultural nationalism in the U.S., including the concept of the nation state, the fusion of nationalism and religion into religious nationalism, and identity politics.<ref name="kramer"/>

Civic nationalismEdit

American nationalism sometimes takes the form of Civic nationalism, a liberal form of nationalism based on values such as freedom, equality, and individual rights. Civic nationalists view nationhood as a political identity. They argue that liberal democratic principles and loyalty define a civic nation. Membership is open to every citizen, regardless of culture, ethnicity, or language, as long as they believe in these values.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>

TrumpismEdit

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Donald Trump flag

In a February 2017 article in The Atlantic, journalist Uri Friedman described "populist economic nationalist" as a new nationalist movement "modeled on the 'populism' of the 19th-century U.S. President Andrew Jackson" which was introduced in Trump's remarks to the Republican National Convention in a speech written by Stephen Miller and Steve Bannon. Miller had adopted Senator Jeff Sessions' form of "nation-state populism" while working as his aide.<ref name="atlantic_populist_trump">Template:Cite news</ref> By September 2017, The Washington Post journalist Greg Sargent observed that "Trump's nationalism" as "defined" by Bannon, Breitbart, Miller and "the rest of the 'populist economic nationalist' contingent around Trump" was beginning to have wavering support among Trump voters.<ref name="WaPo_Trump_supporters_Sept_17">Template:Cite news</ref> Some Republican members of Congress were also described as nationalists during the Trump era, such as Representative Steve King,<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Representative Matt Gaetz,<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Senator Tom Cotton<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> and Senator Josh Hawley.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>

During the Trump era, commonly identified American nationalist political commentators included Rush Limbaugh, Ann Coulter,<ref name="convention"/> Michelle Malkin,<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Lou Dobbs,<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Alex Jones,<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Charlie Kirk,<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Laura Ingraham,<ref name="convention">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Candace Owens,<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Michael Savage,<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Tucker Carlson,<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Mike Cernovich,<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> and Nick Fuentes.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

ReferencesEdit

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External linksEdit

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