Editing Lenition (section)

==Effects==
===Diachronic===
[[Diachronic linguistics|Diachronic]] lenition is found, for example, in the change from [[Latin]] into [[Spanish language|Spanish]], in which the [[wikt:intervocalic|intervocalic]] voiceless stops {{IPA|[p t k]}} first changed into their voiced counterparts {{IPA|[b d ɡ]}}, and later into the approximants or fricatives {{IPA|[β̞ ð̞ ɣ̞]}}: {{lang|la|vita}} > {{lang|es|vida}}, {{lang|la|lupa}} > {{lang|es|loba}}, {{lang|la|caeca}} > {{lang|es|ciega}}, {{lang|la|apotheca}} > {{lang|es|bodega}}. One stage in these changes goes beyond phonetic to have become a [[phonological change|phonological restructuring]], e.g. {{IPA|/lupa/}} > {{IPA|/loba/}} (compare {{IPA|/lupa/}} in Italian, with no change in the phonological status of {{IPA|/p/}}). The subsequent further weakening of the series to phonetic {{IPA|[β̞ ð̞ ɣ̞]}}, as in {{IPA|[loβ̞a]}} is diachronic in the sense that the developments took place over time and displaced {{IPA|[b, d, g]}} as the normal pronunciations between vowels. It is also synchronic in an analysis of {{IPA|[β̞ ð̞ ɣ̞]}} as [[allophone|allophonic]] realizations of {{IPA|/b, d, g/}}: illustrating with {{IPA|/b/}}, {{IPA|/bino/}} 'wine' is pronounced {{IPA|[bino]}} after pause, but with {{IPA|[β̞]}} intervocalically, as in {{IPA|[de β̞ino]}} 'of wine'; likewise, {{IPA|/loba/}} → {{IPA|[loβ̞a]}}.

A similar development occurred in the Celtic languages, where non-geminate intervocalic consonants were converted into their corresponding weaker counterparts through lenition (usually stops into fricatives but also laterals and trills into weaker laterals and taps), and voiceless stops became voiced. For example, Indo-European intervocalic *{{PIE|-t-}} in ''*{{PIE|teu̯teh₂}}'' "people" resulted in [[Proto-Celtic]] {{wikt-lang|cel-x-proto|*toutā}}, [[Primitive Irish]] ''*{{lang|pgl|tōθā}}'', [[Old Irish]] {{wikt-lang|sga|túath}} {{IPA|/t̪ʰuaθ/}} and ultimately debuccalisation in most Irish and some Scottish dialects to {{IPA|/t̪ʰuəh/}}, shift in Central Southern Irish to {{IPA|/t̪ʰuəx/}}, and complete deletion in some Modern Irish and most Modern Scots Gaelic dialects, thus {{IPA|/t̪ʰuə/}}.<ref>{{cite book| last = Stifter| first = David| title = Sengoídelc: Old Irish for Beginners| year = 2006| publisher = Syracuse University Press| isbn = 978-0-8156-3072-2 }}</ref>

An example of historical lenition in the [[Germanic language]]s is evidenced by Latin-English cognates such as {{lang|la|pater}}, {{lang|la|tenuis}}, {{lang|la|cornu}} vs. ''father'', ''thin'', ''horn''. The Latin words preserved the original stops, which became fricatives in old Germanic by [[Grimm's law]]. A few centuries later, the [[High German consonant shift]] led to a second series of lenitions in [[Old High German]], chiefly of post-vocalic stops, as evidenced in the English-German cognates ''ripe'', ''water'', ''make'' vs. {{lang|de|reif}}, {{lang|de|Wasser}}, {{lang|de|machen}}.

Although actually a much more profound change encompassing syllable restructuring, simplification of [[geminate consonant]]s as in the passage from Latin to Spanish such as cuppa > {{IPA|/ˈkopa/}} 'cup' is often viewed as a type of lenition (compare geminate-preserving Italian {{IPA|/ˈkɔppa/}}).

===Synchronic===

====Allophonic====
All varieties of [[Sardinian language|Sardinian]], with the sole exception of [[Nuorese dialect|Nuorese]], offer an example of [[sandhi]] in which the rule of intervocalic lenition applying to the voiced series /b d g/ extends across word boundaries. Since it is a fully active synchronic rule, lenition is not normally indicated in the standard orthographies.<ref>Mensching, G. (1992). ''Einführung in die Sardische Sprache'', Romanistischer Verlag, Bonn</ref>
{|
|{{IPA|/b/}}||→ {{IPA|[β]}}: {{lang|sc|baca}} {{IPA|[ˈbaka]}} "cow" → {{lang|sc|sa baca}} {{IPA|[sa ˈβaka]}} "the cow"
|-
|{{IPA|/d/}}||→ {{IPA|[ð]}}: {{lang|sc|domu}} {{IPA|[ˈdɔmu]}} "house" → {{lang|sc|sa domu}} {{IPA|[sa ˈðɔmu]}} "the house"
|-
|{{IPA|/ɡ/}}||→ {{IPA|[ɣ]}}: {{lang|sc|gupu}} {{IPA|[ˈɡupu]}} "ladle" → {{lang|sc|su gupu}} {{IPA|[su ˈɣupu]}} "the ladle"
|-
|}
A [[Tuscan gorgia|series of synchronic lenitions]] involving opening, or loss of occlusion, rather than voicing is found for post-vocalic {{IPA|/p t k/}} in many [[Tuscan dialect]]s of [[Central Italy]]. Stereotypical [[Florentine dialect|Florentine]], for example, has the {{IPA|/k/}} of {{IPA|/kasa/}} as {{IPA|[ˈkaːsa]}} {{lang|it|casa}} 'house' in a post-pause realization, {{IPA|[iŋˈkaːsa]}} {{lang|it|in casa}} 'in (the) house' post-consonant, but {{IPA|[laˈhaːsa]}} {{lang|it|la casa}} 'the house' intervocalically. Word-internally, the normal realization is also {{IPA|[h]}}: {{IPA|/ˈbuko/}} {{lang|it|buco}} 'hole' → {{IPA|[ˈbuːho]}}.

====Grammatical====
In the [[Celtic languages]], the phenomenon of intervocalic lenition historically extended across word boundaries. This explains the rise of [[Grammaticalisation|grammaticalised]] initial [[consonant mutation]]s in modern Celtic languages through the loss of endings. A [[Scottish Gaelic]] example would be the lack of lenition in {{lang|gd|am fear}} {{IPA|/əm fɛr/}} ("the man") and lenition in {{lang|gd|a' bhean}} {{IPA|/ə vɛn/}} ("the woman"). The following examples show the development of a phrase consisting of a definite article plus a masculine noun (taking the ending {{lang|gd|-os}}) compared with a feminine noun taking the ending {{lang|gd|-a}}. The historic development of lenition in those two cases can be reconstructed as follows:

:[[Proto-Celtic]] {{lang|cel-x-proto|*(s)indo'''s w'''iros}} IPA: {{IPA|[wiɾos]}} → Old Irish {{lang|sga|ind fer}} {{IPA|[fʲeɾ]}} → Middle Irish {{lang|mga|in fer}} {{IPA|[fʲeɾ]}} → [[Classical Gaelic]] {{lang|ghc|an fear}} {{IPA|[fʲeɾ]}} → Modern Gaelic {{lang|gd|am fear}} {{IPA|[fɛɾ]}}

:Proto-Celtic {{lang|cel-x-proto|*(s)ind'''ā be'''nā}} IPA: {{IPA|[vʲenaː]}} → Old Irish {{lang|sga|ind ben}} {{IPA|[vʲen]}} → Middle Irish {{lang|mga|in ben}} {{IPA|[vʲen]}} → Classical Gaelic {{lang|ghc|an bhean}} {{IPA|[vʲen]}} → Modern Gaelic {{lang|gd|a' bhean}} {{IPA|[vɛn]}}

Synchronic lenition in Scottish Gaelic affects almost all consonants (except {{IPA|/l̪ˠ/}}, which has lost its lenited counterpart in most areas).<ref name="Oftedal">Oftedal, M. (1956) ''The Gaelic of Leurbost'' Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidenskap, Oslo</ref> Changes such as {{IPA|/n̪ˠ/}} to {{IPA|/n/}} involve the loss of [[secondary articulation]]; in addition, {{IPA|/rˠ/}} → {{IPA|/ɾ/}} involves the reduction of a [[trill consonant|trill]] to a [[tap consonant|tap]]. The spirantization of Gaelic nasal {{IPA|/m/}} to {{IPA|/v/}} is unusual among forms of lenition, but it is triggered by the same environment as more prototypical lenition. (It may also leave a residue of [[nasalization]] in adjacent vowels.)<ref>Ternes, E. (1989) ''The Phonemic Analysis of Scottish Gaelic'' Helmut Buske Verkag, Hamburg</ref> The orthography shows that by inserting an {{lang|gd|h}} (except after {{lang|gd|l n r}}).

{|
| colspan=3|

===== Spirantization =====
|-
|{{IPA|/p/}}||→ {{IPA|/v/}}||{{lang|gd|bog}} {{IPA|/pok/}} "soft" → {{lang|gd|glé bhog}} {{IPA|/kleː vok/}} "very soft"
|-
|{{IPA|/pj/}}||→ {{IPA|/vj/}} (before a [[back vowel]])|| {{lang|gd|beò}} {{IPA|/pjɔː/}} 'alive' → {{lang|gd|glé bheò}} {{IPA|/kleː vjɔː/}} 'very alive'
|-
|{{IPA|/kʰ/}}||→ {{IPA|/x/}}|| {{lang|gd|cas}} {{IPA|/kʰas̪/}} "steep" → {{lang|gd|glé chas}} {{IPA|/kleː xas̪/}} "very steep"
|-
|{{IPA|/kʰʲ/}}||→ {{IPA|/ç/}}|| {{lang|gd|ciùin}} {{IPA|/kʰʲuːɲ/}} "quiet" → {{lang|gd|glé chiùin}} {{IPA|/kleː çuːɲ/}} "very quiet"
|-
|{{IPA|/t̪/}}||→ {{IPA|/ɣ/}}|| {{lang|gd|dubh}} {{IPA|/t̪uh/}} "black" → {{lang|gd|glé dhubh}} {{IPA|/kleː ɣuh/}} "very black"
|-
|{{IPA|/tʲ/}}||→ {{IPA|/ʝ/}}|| {{lang|gd|deiseil}} {{IPA|/tʲeʃal/}} "ready" → {{lang|gd|glé dheiseil}} {{IPA|/kleː ʝeʃal/}} "very ready"
|-
|{{IPA|/k/}}||→ {{IPA|/ɣ/}}|| {{lang|gd|garbh}} {{IPA|/kaɾav/}} "rough" → {{lang|gd|glé gharbh}} {{IPA|/kleː ɣaɾav/}} "very rough"
|-
|{{IPA|/kʲ/}}||→ {{IPA|/ʝ/}}|| {{lang|gd|geur}} {{IPA|/kʲiaɾ/}} "sharp" → {{lang|gd|glé gheur}} {{IPA|/kleː ʝiaɾ/}} "very sharp"
|-
|{{IPA|/m/}}||→ {{IPA|/v/}}|| {{lang|gd|maol}} {{IPA|/mɯːl̪ˠ/}} "bald" → {{lang|gd|glé mhaol}} {{IPA|/kleː vɯːl̪ˠ/}} "very bald"
|-
|{{IPA|/mj/}}||→ {{IPA|/vj/}} (before a back vowel)|| {{lang|gd|meallta}} {{IPA|/mjaul̪ˠt̪ə/}} "deceitful" → {{lang|gd|glé mheallta}} {{IPA|/kleː vjaul̪ˠt̪ə/}} "very deceitful"
|-
|{{IPA|/pʰ/}}||→ {{IPA|/f/}}|| {{lang|gd|pongail}} {{IPA|/pʰɔŋɡal/}} "exact" → {{lang|gd|glé phongail}} {{IPA|/kleː fɔŋɡal/}} "very exact"
|-
|{{IPA|/pʰj/}}||→ {{IPA|/fj/}} (before a back vowel)|| {{lang|gd|peallagach}} {{IPA|/pʰjal̪ˠakəx/}} "shaggy" → {{lang|gd|glé pheallagach}} {{IPA|/kleː fjal̪ˠakəx/}} "very shaggy"
|-
| colspan=3|

===== Loss of secondary articulation =====
|-
|{{IPA|/n̪ˠ/}}||→ {{IPA|/n/}}|| {{lang|gd|nàdarra}} {{IPA|/n̪ˠaːt̪ərˠə/}} "natural" → {{lang|gd|glé nàdarra}} {{IPA|/kleː naːt̪ərˠə/}} "very natural"
|-
|{{IPA|/rˠ/}}||→ {{IPA|/ɾ/}}|| {{lang|gd|rag}} {{IPA|/rˠak/}} "stiff" → {{lang|gd|glé rag}} {{IPA|/kleː ɾak/}} "very stiff"
|-
|{{IPA|/l̪ˠ/}}||→ {{IPA|/lˠ/}}|| {{lang|gd|lag}} {{IPA|/l̪ˠak/}} "weak" → {{lang|gd|glé lag}} {{IPA|/kleː lˠak/}} "very weak" (in [[Harris, Scotland|Harris]] Gaelic only)
|-
| colspan=3|

===== Debuccalization =====
|-
|{{IPA|/s̪/}}||→ {{IPA|/h/}}|| {{lang|gd|sona}} {{IPA|/s̪ɔnə/}} "happy" → {{lang|gd|glé shona}} {{IPA|/kleː hɔnə/}} "very happy"
|-
|{{IPA|/ʃ/}}||→ {{IPA|/h/}} || {{lang|gd|seasmhach}} {{IPA|/ʃes̪vəx/}} "constant" → {{lang|gd|glé sheasmhach}} {{IPA|/kleː hes̪vəx/}} "very constant"
|-
| {{IPA|/ʃ/}}||→ {{IPA|/hj/}} (before a back vowel)||{{lang|gd|seòlta}} {{IPA|/ʃɔːl̪ˠt̪ə/}} "sly" → {{lang|gd|glé sheòlta}} {{IPA|/kleː hjɔːl̪ˠt̪ə/}} "very sly"
|-
|{{IPA|/t̪ʰ/}}||→ {{IPA|/h/}}|| {{lang|gd|tana}} {{IPA|/t̪ʰanə/}} "thin" → {{lang|gd|glé thana}} {{IPA|/kleː hanə/}} "very thin"
|-
|{{IPA|/tʰʲ/}}||→ {{IPA|/h/}}||{{lang|gd|tinn}} {{IPA|/tʲiːɲ/}} "ill" → {{lang|gd|glé thinn}} {{IPA|/kleː hiːɲ/}} "very ill"
|-
|{{IPA|/tʰʲ/}}||→ {{IPA|/hj/}} (before a back vowel)||{{lang|gd|teann}} {{IPA|/tʰʲaun̪ˠ/}} "tight" → {{lang|gd|glé theann}} {{IPA|/kleː hjaun̪ˠ/}} "very tight"
|-
| colspan=3|

===== Elision =====
|-
|{{IPA|/f/}}||→ Ø|| {{lang|gd|fann}} {{IPA|/faun̪ˠ/}} "faint" → {{lang|gd|glé fhann}} {{IPA|/kleː aun̪ˠ/}} "very faint"
|-
|{{IPA|/fj/}}||→ {{IPA|/j/}} (before a back vowel)|| {{lang|gd|feòrachail}} {{IPA|/fjɔːɾəxal/}} "inquisitive" → {{lang|gd|glé fheòrachail}} {{IPA|/kleː jɔːɾəxal/}} "very inquisitive"
|-
| colspan=3|

===== Reduction of place markedness =====
|-
| colspan=3| In the modern [[Goidelic]] languages, grammatical lenition also triggers the reduction of [[markedness]] in the [[place of articulation]] of [[coronal consonant|coronal]] [[sonorant]]s ({{lang|gd|l}}, {{lang|gd|r}}, and {{lang|gd|n}} sounds). In Scottish Gaelic, {{IPA|/n/}} and {{IPA|/l/}} are the weak counterparts of palatal {{IPA|/ɲ/}} and {{IPA|/ʎ/}}.
|-
|{{IPA|/ɲ/}}|| → {{IPA|/n/}}|| {{lang|gd|neulach}} {{IPA|/ɲial̪ˠəx/}} "cloudy" → {{lang|gd|glé neulach}} {{IPA|/kleː nial̪ˠəx/}} "very cloudy"
|-
|{{IPA|/ʎ/}}|| → {{IPA|/l/}}|| {{lang|gd|leisg}} {{IPA|/ʎeʃkʲ/}} "lazy" → {{lang|gd|glé leisg}} {{IPA|/kleː leʃkʲ/}} "very lazy"
|}

=== Blocked lenition ===
Some languages which have lenition have in addition complex rules affecting situations where lenition might be expected to occur but does not, often those involving [[homorganic consonants]]. This is colloquially known as 'blocked lenition', or more technically as 'homorganic inhibition' or 'homorganic blocking'. In Scottish Gaelic, for example, there are three homorganic groups:<ref name="Blas">{{cite book| last = Bauer| first = Michael| title = Blas Na Gāidhlig: The Practical Guide to Scottish Gaelic Pronunciation| year = 2011| publisher = Akerbeltz| isbn = 978-1-907165-00-9 }}</ref>
* d n t l s (usually called the [[Dental consonant|dental]] group in spite of the non-dental nature of the palatals)
* c g (usually called the [[Velar consonant|velar]] group)
* b f m p (usually called the [[Labial consonant|labial]] group)
In a position where lenition is expected due to the grammatical environment, lenition tends to be blocked if there are two adjacent homorganic consonants across the word boundary. For example:<ref name=Blas/>
* {{lang|gd|aon}} 'one' (which causes lenition) → {{lang|gd|aon chas}} 'one leg' vs {{lang|gd|ao'''n t'''aigh}} 'one house' (not {{lang|gd|aon *thaigh}})
* {{lang|gd|air an}} 'on the' (which causes lenition) → {{lang|gd|air a' chas mhòr}} 'on the big leg' vs {{lang|gd|air a'''n t'''aigh '''d'''onn}} "on the brown house" (not {{lang|gd|air an *thaigh *dhonn}})
In modern Scottish Gaelic this rule is only [[Productivity (linguistics)|productive]] in the case of dentals but not the other two groups for the vast majority of speakers. It also does not affect all environments any more. For example, while {{lang|gd|aon}} still invokes the rules of blocked lenition, a noun followed by an adjective generally no longer does so. Hence:<ref name=Blas/>
* {{lang|gd|ad}} "hat" (a feminine noun causing lenition) → {{lang|gd|ad dhonn}} "a brown hat" (although some highly conservative speakers retain {{lang|gd|ad donn}})
* {{lang|gd|caileag}} "girl" (a feminine noun causing lenition) → {{lang|gd|caileag ghlic}} "a smart girl" (not {{lang|gd|caileag *glic}})
There is a significant number of frozen forms involving the other two groups (labials and velars) and environments as well, especially in surnames and place names:<ref name=Blas/>
* {{lang|gd|Ma'''cG'''umaraid}} 'Montgomery' ({{lang|gd|mac}} + {{lang|gd|Gumaraid}}) vs {{lang|gd|Ma'''cDh'''òmhnaill}} 'MacDonald ({{lang|gd|mac}} + {{lang|gd|Dòmhnall}})
* {{lang|gd|Cai'''mb'''eul}} 'Campbell' ({{lang|gd|cam}} 'crooked' + {{lang|gd|beul}} 'mouth') vs {{lang|gd|Ca'''msh'''ron}} 'Cameron' ({{lang|gd|cam}} + {{lang|gd|sròn}} 'nose')
* {{lang|gd|sgia'''n-d'''ubh}} '[[Sgian-dubh]]' ({{lang|gd|sgian}} 'knife' + {{lang|gd|dubh}} '1 black 2 hidden'; {{lang|gd|sgian}} as a feminine noun today would normally cause lenition on a following adjective) vs {{lang|gd|sgian dhubh}} "a black knife" (i.e., a common knife which just happens to be black)
Though rare, in some instances the rules of blocked lenition can be invoked by lost historical consonants, for example, in the case of the past-tense [[Copula (linguistics)|copula]] {{lang|gd|bu}}, which in [[Common Celtic]] had a final -t. In terms of blocked lenition, it continues to behave as a dental-final particle invoking blocked lenition rules:<ref name=Blas/>
* {{lang|gd|bu '''d'''ona am biadh}} "bad was the food" versus {{lang|gd|bu '''mh'''òr am beud}} 'great was the pity

In Brythonic languages, only fossilized vestiges of lenition blocking occur, for example in Welsh {{lang|cy|no'''s d'''a}} 'good night' lenition is blocked<ref>{{cite web |url=https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/151480254.pdf |title=Celtic initial consonant mutations – nghath and bhfuil? |last=Conroy |first=Kevin M  |date=2008 |website= |publisher=Boston College University Libraries |access-date=16 September 2021 |quote=}}</ref> ({{lang|cy|nos}} as a feminine noun normally causes lenition of a following modifier, for example {{lang|cy|Gwener}} 'Friday' yields {{lang|cy|nos Wener}} 'Friday night'). Within Celtic, blocked lenition phenomena also occur in Irish (for example {{lang|ga|ao'''n d'''oras}} 'one door', {{lang|ga|an chéa'''d d'''uine}} 'the first person') and [[Manx Gaelic|Manx]] (for example {{lang|gv|u'''n d'''orrys}} 'one door', {{lang|gv|yn chie'''d d'''ooinney}} 'the first man') however.

Outside Celtic, in [[Spanish language|Spanish]] orthographic b d g are retained as {{IPA|[b, d, ɡ]}} following nasals rather than their normal lenited forms {{IPA|[β, ð, ɣ]}}.