Bar Kokhba revolt

Template:Short description Template:See also Template:Use dmy dates {{#invoke:Infobox military conflict|main}}

The Bar Kokhba revoltTemplate:Efn (132–136 AD) was a major uprising by the Jews of Judaea against the Roman Empire, marking the final and most devastating of the Jewish–Roman wars. Led by Simon bar Kokhba, the rebels succeeded in establishing an independent Jewish state that lasted for several years. The revolt was ultimately crushed by the Romans, resulting in the near-depopulation of Judea through large-scale killings, mass enslavement, and the displacement of many Jews from the region.

Resentment toward Roman rule in Judaea and nationalistic aspirations remained high following the destruction of Jerusalem during the First Jewish Revolt in 70 AD. The immediate triggers of the Bar Kokhba revolt included Emperor Hadrian's decision to build Aelia Capitolina—a Roman colony dedicated to Jupiter—on the ruins of Jerusalem, extinguishing hopes for the Temple's reconstruction, as well as a possible ban on circumcision, a central Jewish practice. Unlike the earlier revolt, the rebels were well-prepared, using guerrilla tactics and underground hideouts embedded in their villages. Initially, the rebels achieved considerable success, driving Roman forces out of much of the province. Simon bar Kokhba was declared "nasi" (prince) of Israel, and the rebels established a full administration, issuing their own weights and coinage. Contemporary documents celebrated a new era of "the redemption of Israel," and coinage carried similar slogans, dated according to the years of independence.

The tide turned when Hadrian appointed one of Rome’s most skilled generals, Sextus Julius Severus, to lead the campaign, supported by six full legions, auxiliary units, and reinforcements from up to six additional legions. Hadrian himself also participated in directing operations for a time. The Romans launched a broad offensive across Judea, systematically devastating towns, villages, and the countryside. In 135 CE, the fortified stronghold of Betar, the rebels' last center of resistance, was captured and destroyed, and Simon bar Kokhba was killed, effectively ending the revolt. In its final stages, many sought refuge in natural caves, particularly in the Judaean Desert, but Roman troops besieged these hideouts, cutting off supplies and killing, starving or capturing those inside.

The consequences of the revolt were devastating for the Jewish population of Judaea. Ancient and contemporary sources estimate that hundreds of thousands were killed, while many others were enslaved or exiled. The region of Judea was largely depopulated, and Jewish life shifted to Galilee and the expanding diaspora. Messianic hopes became more abstract, and rabbinic Judaism adopted a cautious, non-revolutionary stance. The divide between Judaism and early Christianity also deepened. The Romans imposed harsh religious prohibitions, including bans on circumcision and Sabbath observance, expelled Jews from Jerusalem, restricted their entry to one annual visit, and repopulated the city with foreigners.Template:Campaignbox Bar Kokhba revolt

Background

{{#invoke:Labelled list hatnote|labelledList|Main article|Main articles|Main page|Main pages}}Template:Further information The Bar Kokhba revolt was the last of three Jewish revolts against Rome fought within a span of approximately 60 years. It was preceded by the First Jewish–Roman War (66–73 CE) and the Diaspora Revolt (115–117 CE). These revolts were brutally suppressed by Rome, resulting in the destruction of numerous Jewish communities, including Jerusalem, the national and religious center of the Jewish people.Template:Sfn Hundreds of thousands of Jews were killed, many others were exiled or sold into slavery, and the status of Jews and Judaism throughout the Roman Empire was significantly diminished.

In 6 CE, Judaea transitioned from a client kingdom of Rome to a directly ruled Roman province.Template:SfnTemplate:SfnTemplate:Sfn For the next six decades, aside from a brief period under another client king, Herod Agrippa I,Template:Sfn the province was governed by successive Roman officials. The Jewish population grew increasingly resentful due to mismanagement, corruption, and the incompetence of these governors. Their rule was often marked by acts of brutality and religious insensitivity, which further inflamed local tensions.Template:SfnTemplate:SfnTemplate:Sfn Escalating tensions emerged from ethnic, religious, and territorial conflicts with neighboring populations,Template:SfnTemplate:Sfn worsened by widening economic inequalities. Meanwhile, memories of the Maccabean revolt and the period of independence under the Hasmoneans fueled Jewish nationalist aspirations for liberation from Roman rule.Template:Sfn In 66 CE, unrest in Caesarea, followed by clashes in Jerusalem, sparked the outbreak of an open Jewish revolt—the First Jewish–Roman War. The rebellion was systematically subdued by the Romans under the command of Vespasian and later his son Titus. Jerusalem was razed, and the Second Temple was destroyed.

Following the war, Judaea underwent administrative reorganization. A senatorial-rank legate was appointed as governor, overseeing the province. Under his command, Legio X Fretensis—which had participated in the war—was permanently stationed in the province, establishing its main base in the ruins of Jerusalem. To further secure the region, the regions of Judea and Idumea were designated as a military zone, administered directly by officers of the legion.Template:Sfn The province's status changed again in the 110s CE when it was placed under a proconsul, a higher-ranking official. Around this time, an additional legion, Legio VI Ferrata, was stationed in the province, with its main base at Legio (Kefar Othnai).Template:Sfn The increased military presence was accompanied by efforts to establish and reinforce a more loyal population in the province, including through the settlement of discharged soldiers.Template:Sfn

In 115 CE, during Trajan's reign, another large-scale Jewish insurrection, known as the Diaspora Revolt, erupted, spreading across Jewish communities in Egypt, Cyrenaica, Cyprus, and Mesopotamia, and continuing until 117. The final stages of this conflict, known as the Kitos War, appear to have led to unrest spilling over into Judaea. Mismanagement of the province in the early 2nd century likely contributed to the conditions that set the stage for the Bar Kokhba revolt, as governors enforcing anti-Jewish policies further destabilized an already volatile region.

Sources

Reconstructing the events of the Bar Kokhba revolt poses a challenge, as the historical sources are limited and fragmentary. Unlike the First Jewish–Roman war, which was chronicled in detail by Flavius Josephus, the Bar Kokhba revolt had no surviving contemporary historian.Template:SfnTemplate:Sfn Historians rely on a limited range of literary sources, each with distinct objectives, levels of reliability, and dates of composition, leaving many crucial questions unresolved.Template:Sfn

Cassius Dio, a Roman statesman and historian of Greek background writing in the early 3rd-century CE,Template:Sfn offers the most detailed surviving Roman account of the revolt, found in Book 69 of his Roman History.<ref name="Dio">Cassius Dio, Translation by Earnest Cary. Roman History, book 69, 12.1–14.3. Loeb Classical Library, 9 volumes, Greek texts and facing English translation: Harvard University Press, 1914 thru 1927. Online in LacusCurtius:[1]Template:Dead link and livius.org:[2] Template:Webarchive. Book scan in Internet Archive:[3].</ref><ref>Mordechai, Gihon. New insight into the Bar Kokhba War and a reappraisal of Dio Cassius 69.12–13. University of Pennsylvania Press. The Jewish Quarterly Review Vol. 77, No. 1 (Jul., 1986), pp. 15-43. {{#invoke:doi|main}}</ref> The original text, however, survives only through an 11th-century epitome by John Xiphilinus, whose abridgments are generally considered faithful to Dio's language and content.Template:Sfn Dio's account of the revolt presents a military viewpoint and includes descriptions of underground hideouts used by Jewish rebels—though he does not mention Bar Kokhba by name.Template:Sfn He notes the global cohesion of the Jewish population and some level of non-Jewish participation.Template:Sfn His narrative provides valuable insight into the revolt's scale and devastation, including losses sustained by both sides.Template:Sfn

Eusebius, a 4th-century Christian bishop and historian from Caesarea Maritima, offers a Late Antique Christian interpretation of the revolt. Though writing with a theological agenda—depicting Jewish uprisings as divine punishment for the crucifixion of JesusTemplate:Sfn—he had access to valuable sources, including the library of Pamphilus, church archives in Aelia Capitolina, the works of earlier Christian writers such as Aristo of Pella and Julius Africanus, and possibly pagan texts.Template:Sfn His account includes key details absent from Dio—whom he likely neither knew nor used as a sourceTemplate:Sfn—such as naming Tineius Rufus as the Roman governor, identifying Bar Kokhba (as 'Barchochebas,' interpreted as 'son of a star'), and citing Bethar ('Beththera') as the site of the final siege.Template:Sfn While shaped by a Christian supersessionist worldview,Template:Sfn his geographical proximity, access to now-lost materials, and possible use of Jewish traditions make his writings a significant—if ideologically filtered—source for the revolt.Template:Sfn

The Historia Augusta, a late Roman collection of imperial biographies compiled in the 4th century CE,Template:Sfn devotes only a single sentence to the revolt in its Life of Hadrian, briefly noting one of its possible causes.Template:Sfn This portion of the work is believed to rely on relatively reliable Latin sources from the Severan period (193–235 CE), making it roughly contemporary with Dio's account.Template:Sfn

Jewish historical references to the Bar Kokhba revolt are primarily found in rabbinic literature, including the Mishnah, Talmuds, and other works compiled in the subsequent centuries. While these texts were not intended as historical chronicles—most were composed with a focus on Jewish law (halakhah)—they nonetheless contain narrative sections (aggadah) that preserve anecdotes, teachings, legal rulings, and reflections.Template:Sfn These passages, though often shaped by theological and didactic aims, offer valuable insights into the revolt and its broader historical context.Template:Sfn While many texts were written down generations after the revolt and contain legendary elements, modern scholars acknowledge that they preserve genuine historical traditions, especially when corroborated by archaeology and other sources.Template:Sfn Many of the stories associated with the revolt, such as those about Betar's fall, indeed appear in Aggadaic material, particularly in the Babylonian Talmud (e.g., Gittin 55b–58a), Jerusalem Talmud (Taanith iv 8, 68d–69b), and midrashim like Lamentations Rabbah.Template:Sfn These passages provide insight into how the Jewish people experienced and interpreted the events of the time. They include a variety of material—stories, rulings, and anecdotes—that shed light on the revolt and its aftermath.Template:Sfn One of the most distinctive contributions of rabbinic literature is its portrayal of Bar Kokhba: it is the only source to explicitly describe him as a messianic figure and preserves two conflicting accounts of his death.Template:Sfn Rabbinic texts also report Roman executions of Jewish sages and episodes of religious repression following the revolt.Template:Sfn Some accounts present the revolt and its leaders in a sympathetic or even heroic light, though many others offer a more critical or negative evaluation.Template:Sfn

File:Bar Kokhba's papyrus.png

A cluster of papyrus containing Bar Kokhba's orders during the last year of the revolt, found at the Cave of Letters in the Judean desert by Israeli archaeologist Yigael Yadin

Archaeological discoveries, beginning in 1952, have transformed our understanding of the revolt.Template:Sfn Chief among them are papyri discovered in the Cave of Letters, including legal documents and correspondence between Bar Kokhba and his subordinates.Template:SfnTemplate:Sfn Among roughly 30 surviving texts, three are in Greek, and the rest are in Hebrew and Aramaic.Template:Sfn These documents offer direct insight into the rebels' administration, military organization, religious practices, and internal challenges,Template:SfnTemplate:Sfn though they provide limited information about the military course of the revolt itself.Template:Sfn Additional evidence comes from coins minted by the rebels, which help estimate the revolt's duration and reveal its goals:Template:Sfn the restoration of Jewish independence and the rebuilding of the Temple.Template:Sfn

Causes

The causes of the Bar Kokhba revolt have been debated among historians, with two main ancient sources providing differing explanations.Template:Sfn Cassius Dio attributes the revolt to Jewish anger over Emperor Hadrian's decision to rebuild Jerusalem as a Roman colony, Aelia Capitolina.Template:SfnTemplate:Sfn The Historia Augusta suggests that the immediate trigger for the uprising was a Roman ban on circumcision, a central Jewish practice.Template:Sfn The prevailing scholarly consensus recognizes a combination of these causes in explaining the outbreak of the revolt.Template:Sfn

Establishment of Aelia Capitolina

In 129–130 CE, Hadrian toured the eastern provinces, promoting Hellenistic culture. The region's non-Jewish population honored him with new city names and festivals.Template:Sfn During his visit of Judaea, he decided to rebuild the destroyed Jerusalem as a Roman colony named Aelia Capitolina,Template:Sfn after his family name (Publius Aelius Hadrianus) and in honor of Capitoline Jupiter.Template:Sfn This decision enraged the Jews, extinguishing their hopes of ever rebuilding Jerusalem and the Temple.Template:SfnTemplate:Multiple images

Historians once debated whether Aelia Capitolina's foundation caused the revolt or followed it as punishment. Cassius Dio wrote that Hadrian founded Aelia Capitolina on Jerusalem’s ruins and erected a temple to Jupiter on the Temple Mount. In his account, this caused "a long and serious war, since the Jews objected to having gentiles settled in their city and foreign cults established."<ref>Cassius Dio, LXIX, 12, 1-2</ref>Template:Sfn Eusebius, however, described the colony's foundation as a punitive measure after the uprising.Template:Sfn He wrote: "when the city had been emptied of the Jewish nation and had suffered the total destruction of its ancient inhabitants, it was colonized by a different race, and the Roman city which subsequently arose changed its name."<ref>Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, IV, 6.3–6.4</ref>Template:Sfn The debate was settled by the discovery of Aelia Capitolina coins at sites abandoned before the uprising and buried alongside Bar Kokhba coins, indicating that they were already in circulation during the revolt, thus confirming Dio's version that the colony's founding preceded the conflict.Template:SfnTemplate:SfnTemplate:SfnTemplate:Efn

One interpretation involves the visit in 130 of Hadrian to the ruins of the Temple. At first sympathetic towards the Jews, Hadrian promised to rebuild the Temple, but the Jews felt betrayed when they found out that he intended to build a temple dedicated to Jupiter.<ref name="Dio" /> A rabbinic version of this story, seemingly set during Hadrian's reign,Template:Sfn suggests that the Romans did plan to rebuild the Temple, but a malevolent Samaritan convinced them to abandon the idea, claiming that the Jews would rebel once their city was restored.<ref name=":0">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:SfnTemplate:Efn The reference to a malevolent Samaritan, however, is a common motif in Jewish literature.<ref name=":0" /> this account might reveal the Jewish sense of disappointment due to the Romans not rebuilding the Temple.Template:Sfn

An additional legion, the VI Ferrata, arrived in the province to maintain order. Works on Aelia Capitolina commenced in 131. Consul Quintus Tineius Rufus performed the foundation ceremony which involved ploughing over the designated city limits.<ref>See Template:Cite encyclopedia Template:Cite book</ref> "Ploughing up the Temple",<ref>The Mishnah has a segment: "[O]n the 9th of Ab...and the city was ploughed up." on mas. Taanith, Chapter 4, Mishnah no. 6. See:

• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book</ref><ref>The Babylonian Talmud and Jerusalem Talmud both explicate the segment refers to Rufus:

Babylonian: mas. Taanith 29a. See

• {{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation

|CitationClass=web }}

• {{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation

|CitationClass=web }}

• {{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation

|CitationClass=web }}. See notes on {{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>The Jerusalem Talmud relates it to the Temple, Taanith 25b:

• {{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation

|CitationClass=web }}

• Template:Cite wikisource</ref> seen as a religious offence, turned many Jews against the Roman authorities. The Romans issued a coin inscribed Aelia Capitolina.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation

|CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref>

Mary E. Smallwood writes that the foundation of Aelia Capitolina was likely "an attempt to combat resurgent Jewish nationalism" by secularizing the Jewish holy capital.Template:Sfn According to Martin Goodman, Hadrian established the colony as a "final solution for Jewish rebelliousness," aiming to permanently erase the city and prevent future rebellions among Jews in Judaea or in diaspora communities.Template:Sfn The foundation of a Roman colony—rather than a Hellenistic polis—was designed to transplant foreign populations and impose Roman religious practices. While Hadrian founded many cities, this case was unique in that it was "not to flatter but to suppress the natives."Template:Sfn

Ban on circumcision

Another oft-cited cause for the revolt is a possible ban on the Jewish practice of circumcision (Brit milah).<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> The Historia Augusta claims that Hadrian prohibited the Jews from circumcising their sons (decried as mutilare genitalia,<ref>Craig A. Evans, Jesus and His Contemporaries: Comparative Studies, Brill, 2001, p. 185: 'moverunt ea tempestate et Iudaei bellum, quod vetabantur mutilare genitalia.'</ref><ref>Aharon Oppenheimer, ‘The Ban on Circumcision as a Cause of the Revolt: A Reconsideration,’ Aharon Oppenheimer, Between Rome and Babylon, Mohr Siebeck, 2005, pp. 243–254.</ref> "mutilating the genitals"), and that this edit precipitated the Jewish revolt. The imperial biography states: "in their impetuosity the Jews also began a war, as they had been forbidden to mutilate their genitals."<ref>Historia Augusta, Vita Hadriani, 14.2</ref> However, the reliability of this account is questionable—the Historia Augusta was written centuries after the events and is prone to anecdote and error.<ref>Benjamin H. Isaac, Aharon Oppenheimer, 'The Revolt of Bar Kochba:Ideology and Modern Scholarship,' in Benjamin H. Isaac, The Near East Under Roman Rule: Selected Papers , Brill (Vol. 177 of Mnemosyne, bibliotheca classica Batava. 177: Supplementum), 1998 pp. 220–252, 226–227</ref><ref>Aharon Oppenheimer, 'The Ban on Circumcision as a cause of the Revolt: A Reconsideration,' in Peter Schäfer (ed.) The History of the Jews in the Greco-Roman World: The Jews of Palestine from Alexander the Great to the Arab Conquest, Mohr Siebeck, 2003 pp. 55–69 [55f].</ref> Scholars have long debated the timing of the ban in relation to the revolt, with some arguing that the ban was introduced during or immediately after the uprising, rather than preceding it.Template:Sfn It is known that in the 140s, and before 155 CE, Antoninus Pius mitigated the ban on circumcision by allowing Jews by birth to circumcise legally, while prohibiting the practice for non-Jews. However, it remains unclear when the original ban was first instituted.Template:Sfn

If the prohibition existed, some scholars suggest Hadrian, as a Hellenist, recognized circumcision as bodily mutilation.<ref name="Mackay">Christopher Mackay, Ancient Rome a Military and Political History Cambridge University Press 2007 p. 230</ref> E. Mary Smallwood argues he imposed a universal ban, later relaxed by Antoninus Pius, who is known to have granted Jews an exemption.<ref>Modestinus, Rules, 48.8.11</ref>Template:Sfn She cites Talmudic passages implying the ban preceded the revolt, including one where Rabbi Eliezer ben Hurcanus permitted hiding circumcision knives in peril. Other scholars such as Peter Schäfer and Joseph Geiger doubt an antecedent ban, suggesting that Roman laws against genital mutilation were meant to stop the castration of slaves, not Jewish circumcision, and that any prohibition on circumcision may have been imposed after the revolt as retribution.Template:Sfn<ref>Peter Schäfer (2003), The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered: New Perspectives on the Second Jewish Revolt Against Rome, Mohr Siebeck, p. 68.</ref><ref>Peter Schäfer (2003), The History of the Jews in the Greco-Roman World: The Jews of Palestine from Alexander the Great to the Arab Conquest. Routledge, p. 146.</ref>

Internal factors

In addition to the immediate causes, broader factors likely contributed to an atmosphere ripe for revolt. One such factor may have been eschatological anticipation: nearly sixty years had passed since the destruction of the Second Temple, and some may have expected divine intervention as the symbolic seventy-year mark approached. This expectation was rooted in the precedent of the Babylonian exile, which lasted seventy years following the destruction of the First Temple and culminated in its rebuilding—fulfilling a biblical prophecy attributed Jeremiah. When redemption failed to materialize, growing frustration may have fueled a readiness to rebel.Template:SfnTemplate:Sfn

Other causes thought to have contributed to the revolt include: changes in administrative law, the widespread presence of legally-privileged Roman citizens, alterations in agricultural practice with a shift from landowning to sharecropping, the impact of a possible period of economic decline, and an upsurge of nationalism, the latter influenced by the Diaspora Revolt.Template:Sfn Economic hardship following the First Jewish Revolt may have also played a role, as many Jews lost their land to Roman veterans and collaborators, creating a dispossessed class that likely became a core source of support for Bar Kokhba.Template:Sfn The charismatic personality of Bar Kokhba himself is also thought to have been a major cause of the revolt.Template:Sfn

Leadership

{{#invoke:Labelled list hatnote|labelledList|Main article|Main articles|Main page|Main pages}}

The revolt was led by bar Kokhba, a charismatic leader whose support was likely driven by his personal qualities and abilities, including his charisma.Template:Sfn According to rabbinic literature, Rabbi Akiva, a leading sage, recognized Bar Kokhba as the messiah. However, this view was challenged by the contemporary rabbi Yohanan ben Torta,Template:Sfn who, according to the Jerusalem Talmud, retorted to Akiva, "Grass will grow on your cheeks, and the Messiah will not yet have come!"<ref>Jerusalem Talmud, Ta'anit, IV, 8</ref>Template:SfnTemplate:Sfn

File:Ancient Coin.jpeg

Coin showing the revolt leader's name, Simeon bar Kokhba

The name {{#invoke:Lang|lang}} does not appear in the Talmud but is found in early ecclesiastical sources.<ref>Template:Cite encyclopedia</ref>Template:Sfn Previously, historians debated whether {{#invoke:Lang|lang}}, meaning "son of the star", was his original name, with some suggesting that the name {{#invoke:Lang|lang}} (meaning "son of disappointment" or "son of lies"Template:Sfn in this interpretation), found in rabbinic texts, was a later, derogatory term.Template:Sfn However, documents discovered in the Judaean Desert in the 1950s revealed that his original name was {{#invoke:Lang|lang}}.Template:Sfn This name is believed to be derived from his place of origin.Template:SfnTemplate:Efn The title {{#invoke:Lang|lang}} was likely bestowed upon him by Rabbi Akiva, based on the "Star Prophecy" found in Numbers Template:Bibleverse-nb: "A star ({{#invoke:Lang|lang}}) rises from Jacob."Template:Sfn

Seventeen letters discovered in the Judaean Desert offer insight into Bar Kokhba's personality.Template:Sfn The documents portray him as a demanding and involved military leader, personally overseeing matters of discipline and logistics. His uncompromising style is evident in sharp threats and rebukes directed at his subordinate officers.Template:Sfn The letters also reflect a strong sense of religious devotion, including observance of Shabbat and the laws of tithes and offerings.Template:Sfn In one letter, Bar Kokhba instructs his men to procure {{#invoke:Lang|lang}} (palm branches) and {{#invoke:Lang|lang}} (citrons) to fulfill the mitzvah of the Four Species during the festival of Sukkot.Template:SfnTemplate:Sfn

Rabbinic literature, reflecting elements of folk memory shaped over the two to three centuries following the revolt, portrays Bar Kokhba as a heroic and fearsome figure of immense strength and severity, whose death could only be brought about by divine intervention.Template:Sfn He is said to have slain large numbers of Roman soldiers by throwing massive catapult stones single-handedly at them.Template:Sfn Rabbinic legend also recounts that he tested his soldiers by requiring them either to sever a finger or to uproot a cedar tree.Template:Sfn However, according to rabbinic traditions, the true strength of the revolt lay not in Bar Kokhba’s physical might, but in the spiritual support of the sages; once that was lost following Bar Kokhba's killing of one of them, the rebellion collapsed.Template:Sfn

Outbreak and strategy

The Bar Kokhba revolt and the establishment of the Bar Kokhba administration likely began in the summer of 132 CE.Template:Sfn Simeon Bar Kokhba's forces waited for Hadrian to leave before launching the uprisings.Template:Sfn Learning from the failures of the First Jewish Revolt, the Jews carefully planned the rebellion.<ref name="Haaretz:The Bar Kochba Revolt: A Disaster Celebrated by Zionists on Lag Ba'Omer">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web

}}</ref> Cassius Dio reports that the insurgents avoided open battle, instead occupying strong natural positions reinforced with underground hiding complexes, allowing them both refuge and concealed movement:

The Jews [...] did not dare try conclusions with the Romans in the open field, but they occupied the advantageous positions in the country and strengthened them with mines and walls, in order that they might have places of refuge whenever they should be hard pressed, and might meet together unobserved underground; and they pierced these subterranean passages from above at intervals to let in air and light.

Archaeological evidence has confirmed Cassius Dio’s account of Jewish preparations for the Bar Kokhba revolt.Template:Sfn Hundreds of underground hideout complexes have been identified across almost every populated area,Template:Sfn with approximately 350 systems mapped within the ruins of 140 Jewish villages as of 2015.<ref name="nrg">Template:Langx [4] NRG. 15 July 2015.</ref> These systems were extensively employed in the Judean Hills, the Judean Desert, and the northern Negev, with smaller concentrations in Galilee, Samaria, and the Jordan Valley. Many private houses were outfitted with underground chambers designed to exploit the narrowness of the passages for defensive purposes and ambushes.Template:Sfn The interconnected cave networks served both as refuges for combatants and as shelters for their families.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>

File:Hurvat-Burgin-219.jpg

A hideout complex at Horvat Burgin

Dio also states that the Jews manufactured their own weapons in preparation for the revolt: "The Jews [...] purposely made of poor quality such weapons as they were called upon to furnish, in order that the Romans might reject them and that they themselves might thus have the use of them." However, there is no archaeological evidence to support Dio's claim that the Jews produced defective weapons. In fact, weapons found at sites controlled by the insurgents are identical to those used by the Romans.Template:Sfn

Betar (also Beitar, Bethar), a town situated at the edge of a mountain range southwest of Jerusalem,Template:Sfn was chosen as the rebels' headquarters due to its strategic proximity to Jerusalem, abundant springs, and defensible position.Template:Sfn Its ruins are now located at Khirbet el-Yehud, within the modern village of Battir, which retains the ancient town's name. Excavations at the site have revealed fortifications likely built by Bar Kokhba's forces, though determining whether these defenses were constructed at the beginning of the revolt or later in the conflict remains unresolved.Template:Sfn

The Bar Kokhba state

During the first year of the revolt, Bar Kokhba succeeded in establishing a functioning state, and life in Judaea appears to have continued with relative stability. This is evidenced by land lease agreements from the period involving substantial financial transactions.Template:Sfn At the same time, the revolt disrupted Jewish communities beyond Judaea, as reflected in accounts of individuals fleeing from Zoar in Transjordan to Ein Gedi sometime after 132 CE.Template:Sfn

Military

Bar Kokhba led a well-organized army structured in a hierarchical system with designated ranks, including a "head of a camp." His letters indicate a clear chain of command, listing figures such as Judah bar Manasse, commander of Kiryath Arabaya, and Johnathan bar Beysayan and Masabala bar Simeon, commanders of Ein Gedi.Template:Sfn These documents also suggest that his forces were composed of devout Jews.Template:Sfn According to Rabbinic sources, some 400,000 men were at the disposal of Bar Kokhba at the peak of the rebellion.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

Coinage

Template:Multiple image The new independent state minted its own coins. From the first year of the revolt, there are silver tetradrachms featuring the Temple on the obverse with the word "Jerusalem." On the reverse, a {{#invoke:Lang|lang}} and {{#invoke:Lang|lang}} are depicted, along with the inscription "Year One of the Redemption of Israel."Template:SfnTemplate:SfnTemplate:Efn As in the Maccabean Revolt and the First Jewish Revolt, Hebrew underwent a resurgence, its presence on coins and documents reinforcing its role as a symbol of Jewish nationhood and independence.Template:Sfn

Bar Kokhba is depicted on the coins as "Simeon, Prince of Israel." Coins from the first year also feature the inscription "Eleazar the priest," though the identity of this figure remains uncertain and debated.Template:Sfn Some scholars identify him as Eleazar, Bar Kokhba's uncle, who was executed for seeking negotiations with the Romans, according to rabbinic literature.Template:Sfn Regardless, this suggests that Bar Kokhba may have been preparing for the Temple's reconstruction, appointing a High Priest to officiate once it was restored.Template:Sfn The coins suggest that restoring the Temple and its services was indeed a key goal, as they feature the Temple's facade and other related symbols.Template:Sfn

For coins from the second year and undated coins, additional inscriptions appear, including "For the Freedom of Israel" and "For the Freedom of Jerusalem."Template:Sfn

Geographic extent of the revolt

The exact extent of Bar Kokhba's control remains uncertain.Template:Sfn It is widely agreed that the rebels held all of Judea, including the villages of the Judaean Mountains, the Judaean Desert, and northern parts of the Negev Desert.Template:Sfn However, there are differing views on the broader scope of the revolt. Two main schools of thought have emerged: Maximalists argue that rebel control may have extended beyond Judea, incorporating other parts of the province, including Galilee and the Golan, while minimalists limit rebel control to Judea and its immediate surroundings.Template:Sfn<ref name="menahem2013">M. Menahem. WHAT DOES TEL SHALEM HAVE TO DO WITH THE BAR KOKHBA REVOLT?. U-ty of Haifa / U-ty of Denver. SCRIPTA JUDAICA CRACOVIENSIA. Vol. 11 (2013) pp. 79–96.</ref> Whether the rebels captured Jerusalem or resumed sacrificial worship on the Temple Mount remains unclear.Template:Sfn

Until 1951, Bar Kokhba Revolt coinage was the sole archaeological evidence for dating the revolt.<ref name="Eshel">Hanan Eshel, 'The Bar Kochba revolt, 132-135,' in William David Davies, Louis Finkelstein, Steven T. Katz (eds.) The Cambridge History of Judaism: Volume 4, The Late Roman-Rabbinic Period, pp. 105–127 [105].</ref> Despite the reference to Jerusalem on the coins, as of early 2000s, archaeological finds, and the lack of revolt coinage found in Jerusalem, supported the view that the revolt did not capture Jerusalem.<ref name="Eshel-2">Template:Harvnb: "Returning to the Bar Kokhba revolt, we should note that up until the discovery of the first Bar Kokhba documents in Wadi Murabba'at in 1951, Bar Kokhba coins were the sole archaeological evidence available for dating the revolt. Based on coins overstock by the Bar Kokhba administration, scholars dated the beginning of the Bar Kokhba regime to the conquest of Jerusalem by the rebels. The coins in question bear the following inscriptions: "Year One of the redemption of Israel", "Year Two of the freedom of Israel", and "For the freedom of Jerusalem". Up until 1948 some scholars argued that the "Freedom of Jerusalem" coins predated the others, based upon their assumption that the dating of the Bar Kokhba regime began with the rebel capture Jerusalem." L. Mildenberg's study of the dies of the Bar Kokhba definitely established that the "Freedom of Jerusalem" coins were struck later than the ones inscribed "Year Two of the freedom of Israel". He dated them to the third year of the revolt.' Thus, the view that the dating of the Bar Kokhba regime began with the conquest of Jerusalem is untenable. lndeed, archeological finds from the past quarter-century, and the absence of Bar Kokhba coins in Jerusalem in particular, support the view that the rebels failed to take Jerusalem at all."</ref>

In 2020, the fourth Bar Kokhba minted coin and the first inscribed with the word "Jerusalem" was found in Jerusalem Old City excavations.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Despite this discovery, the Israel Antiques Authority still maintained the opinion that Jerusalem was not taken by the rebels, because more than 22,000 coins Bar Kokhba coins had been found outside Jerusalem but only four were found within the city. The Israel Antiques Authority's archaeologists Moran Hagbi and Dr. Joe Uziel speculated "It is possible that a Roman soldier from the Tenth Legion found the coin during one of the battles across the country and brought it to their camp in Jerusalem as a souvenir."<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

Among those findings are the rebel hideout systems in the Galilee, which greatly resemble the Bar Kokhba hideouts in Judea, and though they are less numerous, are nevertheless important. Excavations at Wadi Hamam, near the Sea of Galilee, uncovered the remains of a Jewish village that was destroyed during the reign of Hadrian, possibly during the revolt or shortly beforehand.Template:Sfn However, the continued Jewish presence in the Galilee after the war has led some scholars to argue that the region either did not join the revolt or was subdued relatively early compared to Judea.<ref name="Harkabi1983">Template:Cite book</ref>

Several historians, notably W. Eck of the University of Cologne, theorized that the Tel Shalem arch depicted a major battle between Roman armies and Bar Kokhba's rebels in Bet Shean valley,<ref name="menahem2013" /> thus extending the battle areas some 50 km northwards from Judea. The 2013 discovery of the military camp of Legio VI Ferrata near Tel Megiddo.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> However, Eck's theory on battle in Tel Shalem is rejected by M. Mor, who considers the location implausible given Galilee's minimal (if any) participation in the Revolt and distance from the main conflict flareup in Judea proper.<ref name="menahem2013" />

A 2015 archaeological survey in Samaria identified some 40 hideout cave systems from the period, some containing Bar Kokhba's minted coins, suggesting that the war raged in Samaria at high intensity.<ref name="nrg" />

Jews from Peraea are thought to have taken part in the revolt. This is demonstrated by a destruction layer dating from the early 2nd century at Tel Abu al-Sarbut in the Sukkoth Valley,<ref>Steiner, M., Mulder-Hymans, N., and Boertien, J.. 2013. “Een joods huishouden in Perea? De resultaten van de eerste opgravingscampagne op Tell Abu Sarbut in 2012.” Tijdschrift voor Mediterrane Archeologie 50: 38–44</ref> and by abandonment deposits from the same period that were discovered at al-Mukhayyat<ref>Sagiv, N. 2013. “Jewish Finds from Peraea (Transjordan) from the Second Temple Period until the Bar-Kokhba Revolt.” Jerusalem and Eretz-Israel 8–9: 191–210. (Hebrew)</ref> and Callirrhoe.<ref>Gerber, Y. 1998. Review of Fouilles archéologiques de ʿAïn ez-Zâra/Callirrhoé, villégiature hérodienne, by C. Clamer. BASOR 312: 86–89</ref> There is also evidence for Roman military presence in Perea in the middle of the century, as well as evidence of the settlement of Roman veterans in the area.<ref name="raviv2021">Template:Cite journal</ref> This view is supported by a destruction layer in Tel Hesban that dates to 130,<ref>Mitchel, L. A. 1992. Hesban 7: Hellenistic and Roman Strata. Berrien Springs, MI: Institute of Archaeology. p. 62–63</ref> and a decline in settlement from the Early Roman to the Late Roman periods discovered in the survey of the Iraq al-Amir region.<ref>Ji, C. C., and Lee, J. K.. 2002. “The survey in the regions of 'Iraq al-Amir and Wadi al-Kafrayn, 2000.” Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 46: 179–95</ref> However, it is still unclear whether this decline was caused by the First Jewish–Roman War or the Bar Kokhba revolt.<ref name="raviv2021" /> Bowersock suggested of linking the Nabateans to the revolt, claiming "a greater spread of hostilities than had formerly been thought... the extension of the Jewish revolt into northern Transjordan and an additional reason to consider the spread of local support among Safaitic tribes and even at Gerasa."<ref name="The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered">The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered by Peter Schäfer, Template:ISBN</ref>

Foreign participation

According to Cassius Dio, the Jewish rebels were aided by "many outside nations," who were eager "for gain."Template:Sfn Menachem Mor suggests that non-Jewish populations in the region may have indeed joined the revolt alongside the Jews, though their numbers are difficult to assess. These participants likely came from the lower classes in Hellenistic cities, motivated by a desire to undermine the Roman-backed aristocracy and improve their own socio-economic conditions.Template:Sfn

Suppression of the revolt

After Legio X and Legio VI failed to subdue the rebels, additional reinforcements were dispatched from neighbouring provinces. Gaius Poblicius Marcellus, the legate of Roman Syria, arrived commanding Legio III Gallica, while Titus Haterius Nepos, the governor of Roman Arabia, brought Legio III Cyrenaica.Template:Sfn It is likely that Legio XXII Deiotariana was destroyed during the early stages of the revolt.Template:Sfn

File:Israel under Bar Kokhba.jpg

Territory held by the rebels in blue.

Following a series of setbacks, Hadrian calledTemplate:Clarify his general Sextus Julius Severus from Britannia,Template:Sfn and troops were brought from as far as the Danube. In 133/4, Severus landed in Judea with three legions from Europe (including Legio X Gemina and possibly also Legio IX Hispana), cohorts of additional legions and between 30 and 50 auxiliary units.Template:Citation needed They were joined by Hadrian himself who arrived in the province and commanded the campaign in person, at least for a time, as noted by Cassius Dio,Template:Sfn This is supported by inscriptions describing an {{#invoke:Lang|lang}} during which the emperor participated.Template:Sfn

The size of the Roman army amassed against the rebels was much larger than that commanded by Titus 60 years earlierTemplate:Sndnearly one third of the Roman army took part in the campaign against Bar Kokhba. It is estimated that forces from at least 10 legions participated in Severus' campaign in Judea, including Legio X Fretensis, Legio VI Ferrata, Legio III Gallica, Legio III Cyrenaica, Legio II Traiana Fortis, Legio X Gemina, cohorts of Legio V Macedonica, cohorts of Legio XI Claudia, cohorts of Legio XII Fulminata and cohorts of Legio IV Flavia Felix, along with 30–50 auxiliary units, for a total force of 60,000–120,000 Roman soldiers facing Bar Kokhba's rebels. It is plausible that Legio IX Hispana was among the legions Severus brought with him from Europe, and that its demise occurred during Severus' campaign, as its disappearance during the second century is often attributed to this war.<ref name="livius.org">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>Template:Unreliable source?

One of the crucial battles of the war took place near Tel Shalem in the Beit She'an valley, near what is now identified as the legionary camp of Legio VI Ferrata. This theory was proposed by Werner Eck in 1999, as part of his general maximalist work which did put the Bar Kokhba revolt as a very prominent event on the course of the Roman Empire's history.<ref>Journal of Roman Archaeology, Vol. 12, 1999, pp. 294–313 {{#invoke:doi|main}}</ref> Next to the camp, archaeologists unearthed the remnants of a triumphal arch, which featured a dedication to Hadrian, most likely referring to the defeat of Bar Kokhba's army.<ref>Mohr Siebek et al. Edited by Peter Schäfer. The Bar Kokhba War reconsidered. 2003. p. 172.</ref> Additional finds at Tel Shalem, including a bust of Hadrian, specifically link the site to the period. The theory for a major decisive battle in Tel Shalem implies a significant extension of the area of the rebellion, with Eck suggesting the war encompassed also northern valleys together with Galilee.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>

Fall of Betar

File:Beitar-177.jpg

Ruins at Betar, Bar Kokhba's last stand

After losing many of their strongholds, Bar Kokhba and the remnants of his army withdrew to the fortress of Betar, which subsequently came under siege in the summer of 135. Legio V Macedonica and Legio XI Claudia are said to have taken part in the siege.<ref>Charles Clermont-Ganneau, Archaeological Researches in Palestine during the Years 1873–1874, London 1899, pp. 463–470</ref> According to Jewish tradition, the town was breached and destroyed on Tisha B'Av, the ninth day of the lunar month of Av, a day of fasting and mourning marking the anniversary of the destruction of the Second Temple.<ref>Mishnah, Ta'anit, IV, 6; Babylonian Talmud, Ta'anit, 29a</ref>Template:Sfn

File:ביתר - מעתיקות ביתר שנרכשו ע"י הסוכנות היהודית - כדונים-JNF016079.jpeg

Weapons found at the ruins of Betar

Talmudic tradition attributes the downfall of Betar to a Samaritan, who acted as a "fifth column" and sowed discord between Bar Kokhba and his maternal uncle, Rabbi Eleazar of Modi'im. In this narrative, suspecting Eleazar of collaborating with the enemy, Bar Kokhba killed him with a single kick, forfeiting divine protection. Shortly thereafter, Betar was captured, and Bar Kokhba was killed.<ref>Jerusalem Talmud, Ta'anit IV, 68d; Lamentations Rabbah, II, 2</ref>Template:Sfn Scholars, however, consider this story to be a later addition with little historical value regarding the revolt. It is thought to reflect the deterioration of relations between Jews and Samaritans in the years following the revolt.

According to a Jewish tradition in Lamentations Rabbah, when Bar Kokhba's body was shown to Hadrian, the emperor ordered that the rest of the body be brought forward. It was discovered with a snake coiled around his neck, and Hadrian is said to have commented, "If his God had not slain him, who could have overcome him?"<ref>Lamentations Rabbah, II, 2</ref>Template:Sfn According to another rabbinic legend, found in the Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin, Bar Kokhba was executed by the sages after failing to meet the messianic expectation of judging "by scent" as described in Isaiah 11:3–4,Template:SfnTemplate:Sfn however, this account is generally regarded by scholars as legendary rather than historical.Template:Sfn

The horrendous scene after the city's capture could be best described as a massacre.<ref>Jerusalem Talmud, Taanit 4:5 (24a); Midrash Rabba (Lamentations Rabba 2:5).</ref> The Jerusalem Talmud relates that the number of dead in Betar was enormous, and that the Romans "went about slaughtering them until a horse sunk in blood up to its nostrils, and the blood carried away boulders that weighted forty sela until it went four miles into the sea. If you should think that it (Betar) was close to the sea, behold, it was forty miles distant from the sea."<ref>Jerusalem Talmud, Ta'anit, 4</ref>Template:Sfn

Conclusion

According to Lamentations Rabbah, Hadrian established three guard posts—in Hammat, Bethlehem, and Kefar Lekitaya—to capture Jewish rebels attempting to flee. He dispatched heralds announcing that Jews in hiding should come out to receive a reward from the emperor. Those who complied were surrounded and massacred in the Valley of Beit Rimmon.<ref>Lamentations Rabbah, 5:1</ref>Template:Sfn The identification of these locations has been the subject of scholarly debate. Kefar Lekitaya has been identified by some with Khirbet al-Kut, near Ma'ale Levona, while others associate it with Beit Liqya, located along the Emmaus–Jerusalem road. Hammat has been variously proposed to correspond to Hamat Gader in the Galilee or Hammata near Emmaus in Judea. Similarly, the Valley of Bet Rimmon has been located either in the Lower Galilee, near Wadi Ramana, or in Judea, near the village of Rimon, south of Ba'al-hazor.Template:Sfn According to scholar William Horbury, these guard posts probably marked the boundary of the area surrounding Jerusalem from which Jews were now excluded.Template:Sfn

File:House keys. Nahal Hever. Israel Museum, Jerusalem.JPG

House keys taken by refugees to the Cave of the Letters, a refuge cave in the Judaean Desert, hoping to return home

Following the fall of Betar, the Roman forces went on a rampage of systematic killing, eliminating all remaining Jewish villages in the region and seeking out the refugees. Legio III Cyrenaica was the main force to execute this last phase of the campaign. Historians disagree on the duration of the Roman campaign following the fall of Betar. While some claim further resistance was broken quickly, others argue that pockets of Jewish rebels continued to hide with their families into the winter months of late 135 and possibly even spring 136. By early 136 however, it is clear that the revolt was defeated.<ref>Mohr Siebek et al. Edited by Peter Schäfer. The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered. 2003. p. 160. "Thus it is very likely that the revolt ended only in early 136."</ref> The Babylonian Talmud (Sanhedrin 93b) says that Bar Kokhba reigned for a mere two and a half years.

Consequences

Destruction and extermination

The revolt had catastrophic consequences for the Jewish population in Judaea, resulting in massive loss of life, widespread enslavement, and extensive forced displacement. The scale of devastation surpassed even that of the First Jewish–Roman War, leaving Judea proper in a state of desolation.<ref name="Taylor">Template:Cite book</ref><ref name=":2">Template:Cite book</ref>Template:Sfn Shimeon Applebaum estimates that about two-thirds of Judaea's Jewish population perished in the revolt.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> Some scholars characterize these consequences as an act of genocide.<ref name="Taylor" /><ref name="google.co.il">Totten, S. Teaching about genocide: issues, approaches and resources. p. 24. [5]</ref>

Describing the devastating consequences of the revolt, several decades after its suppression, the Roman historian Cassius Dio (Template:Circa–235) wrote: "50 of their most important outposts and 985 of their most famous villages were razed to the ground. 580,000 men were slain in the various raids and battles, and the number of those that perished by famine, disease and fire was past finding out, Thus nearly the whole of Judaea was made desolate."<ref>Cassius Dio, Roman History, 69.14.1–2</ref><ref name="raviv2021" /> While several scholars, such as Peter Schäfer,<ref name="schafer-1981">Template:Cite book</ref> have argued that Dio's figures are exaggerations, later estimates suggest that the numbers may be accurate. In 2003, Cotton described Dio's figures as highly plausible, given accurate Roman census declarations.<ref>Mohr Siebek et al. Edited by Peter Schäfer. The Bar Kokhba War reconsidered. 2003. pp. 142–143.</ref> In 2021, an ethno-archaeological comparative analysis by Dvir Raviv and Chaim Ben David also supported the accuracy of Dio's figures, concluding that his data represent a "reliable account, which he based on contemporaneous documentation."<ref name="raviv2021" /><ref name=":42">Template:Cite book</ref>

Archaeological evidence indicates that many sites in Judea suffered damage, destruction, or abandonment,Template:Sfn to the extent that Jewish settlement in Judea was almost completely eradicated by the revolt's end.<ref name="raviv2021" /> Literature from the Tannaim, early rabbinic scholars, reflects the devastation, with recurring expressions such as "Who sees the towns of Judaea in their destruction..." and "When Judaea was destroyed, may it soon be rebuilt."Template:Sfn To date, no site in the region has revealed a continuous occupation layer throughout the 2nd century CE.Template:SfnTemplate:Sfn The findings show clear signs of devastation or depopulation within the first few decades of the century, followed by a period of abandonment.Template:Sfn<ref name="raviv2021" /> When some of these former Jewish settlements were reoccupied in the late 2nd or early 3rd century CE, the new inhabitants were typically non-Jews, as reflected in their distinct material culture, which differed significantly from that of the earlier Jewish population.Template:Sfn

Expulsion and enslavement

File:Expulsion of the Jews in the Reign of the Emperor Hadrian AD 135 How Heraclius turned the Jews out of Jerusalem Fac simile of a Miniature in the Histoire des Empereurs Manuscript of the Fifteenth Century.png

Expulsion of the Jews from Jerusalem during the reign of Hadrian. A miniature from the 15th-century manuscript "Histoire des Empereurs".

Jewish survivors faced harsh punitive measures from the Romans, who often used social engineering to stabilize conflict zones.<ref name=":43">Template:Cite book</ref> In the aftermath of the war, Jews were expelled from Jerusalem and a broad surrounding area, encompassing nearly the entire traditional district of Judea.Template:SfnTemplate:Efn The Romans proceeded with the construction of Aelia Capitolina on the ruins of Jerusalem and barred Jews from entering, except once a year on the day of Tisha B'Av.<ref>H.H. Ben-Sasson, A History of the Jewish People, p. 334: "Jews were forbidden to live in the city and were allowed to visit it only once a year, on the Ninth of Ab, to mourn on the ruins of their holy Temple."</ref> According to Jerome, Hadrian "commanded that by a legal decree and ordinances the whole nation should be absolutely prevented from entering from thenceforth even the district round Jerusalem, so that it could not even see from a distance its ancestral home." Similarly, Jerome writes that Jews were only allowed to visit the city to mourn its ruins, paying for the privilege.Template:Sfn

Eusebius writes: "[...] all the families of the Jewish nation have suffered pain worthy of wailing and lamentation because God's hand has struck them, delivering their mother-city over to strange nations, laying their Temple low, and driving them from their country, to serve their enemies in a hostile land."<ref>Eusebius of Caesarea, Demonstratio Evangelica, VIII, 4, 23</ref> Jerome provides a similar account: "in Hadrian's reign, when Jerusalem was completely destroyed and the Jewish nation was massacred in large groups at a time, with the result that they were even expelled from the borders of Judaea."<ref>Jerome, Commentary on Daniel (translation by Gleason L. Archer), III, ix, 24</ref> Dialogue with Trypho, a 2nd-century Christian apologetic text by Justin Martyr, presents a theological dialogue with a Jewish fugitive from the Bar Kokhba revolt, then residing in Corinth, Greece.Template:Sfn

Roman policy also involved the mass enslavement and deportation of Jewish captives, a practice also observed after the revolt of the Salassi (25 BCE), the wars with the Raeti (15 BCE), and the Pannonian War (c. 12 BCE).<ref name=":43" /> William V. Harris estimates that more than 100,000 Jews were enslaved.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref> The slave market was reportedly flooded with Jewish captives, who were sold into slavery and dispersed across the empire,Template:Sfn significantly expanding the Jewish diaspora.<ref name="Powell, p.8122">Powell, The Bar Kokhba War AD 132–136, Osprey Publishing, Oxford, ç2017, p. 81</ref> The 7th-century Chronicon Paschale, drawing on earlier sources, states that Hadrian sold Jewish captives "for the price of a daily portion of food for a horse."<ref name=":43" /> Jerome reports that following the war, "innumerable people of diverse ages and both sexes were sold at the marketplace of Terebinthus," adding that "For this reason it is an accursed thing among the Jews to visit this acclaimed marketplace".<ref>Jerome, Commentary on Jeremiah, VI, 18.5–6</ref> In another work, he notes that thousands were sold there.<ref name=":43" /> Those not sold were transported to Gaza for auction, while many others were relocated to Egypt and other regions.<ref name="Powell, p.8122" /> Jerome also mentions Jewish captives settled by Hadrian in the Cimmerian Bosporus.Template:Sfn<ref>Jerome, Commentary on Obadiah, 20.21</ref> The suppression of the revolt and the ensuing harsh conditions led to a large influx of refugees, some of whom settled in Babylonia, contributing to its spiritual growth in the following centuries.Template:Sfn

Religious suppression and execution of sages

Following the revolt, Hadrian implemented a series of harsh religious decrees aimed at dismantling Jewish nationalism in Judaea,<ref name="Eshel" />Template:SfnTemplate:Efn the first such measures since the decrees of Antiochus IV in the 160s BCE.Template:Sfn These included the outlawing of Torah study, the Hebrew calendar, and other core expressions of Jewish religious life. Jewish scholars were executed, and sacred texts were publicly burned. Hadrian further desecrated the ruins of the Temple by erecting statues of Jupiter and himself on the site. These measures remained in force until his death in 138 CE, after which conditions eased somewhat,Template:Sfn though Jews continued to be banned from entering Jerusalem, with the sole exception of visits on Tisha B'Av, the day of mourning for the Temple's destruction.<ref name="MAY84">M. Avi-Yonah, The Jews under Roman and Byzantine Rule, Jerusalem 1984 p. 143</ref>

This period of repression left a profound impact on rabbinic memory, later referred to in tradition as a time of {{#invoke:Lang|lang}} (Template:Script/Hebrew), meaning "destruction" or "desolation."Template:Sfn Rabbinic texts attach a curse to Hadrian's name—"May his bones rot!".Template:Sfn The Tosefta states that Rabbi Ishmael, a 2nd-century sage, likened the decrees to a second destruction, describing them as an effort to "uproot the Torah" from among the Jews.<ref>Tosefta, Sotah 15:10</ref>Template:Sfn The Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael, a midrashic work, presents the edicts:

R. Nathan says: Of them that love me and keep my commandments (Exodus 20:6) – This refers to those who dwell in the land of Israel and risk their lives for the sake of the commandments: "Why are you being led out to be decapitated?" "Because I circumcised my son to be an Israelite." "Why are you being led out to be burnt?" "Because I read the Torah". "Why are you being led out to be crucified?" "Because I ate unleavened bread". "Why are you getting a hundred lashes?" "Because I performed the ceremony of the lulav".<ref>Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael, Bahodesh, 6</ref>

The Jewish response included both covert observance and open defiance, with some choosing martyrdom—a pattern that would reappear in later episodes of Jewish history.Template:Sfn According to rabbinic literature, Rabbi Akiva, one of the most revered figures in Jewish tradition, was arrested for studying the Torah and flayed with iron combs while reciting the Shema, Judaism's central declaration of faith.<ref>Babylonian Talmud, Berakhot 61b</ref>Template:Sfn Rabbi Judah ben Baba was executed after ordaining new rabbis in secret,<ref>Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin 14a</ref>Template:Sfn while Rabbi Shimon bar Yochai reportedly went into hiding in a cave with his son for several years to escape execution.Template:Sfn These events are remembered not only in halakhic literature but also in midrashic texts and liturgical poetry, particularly in the stories of the Ten Martyrs, which became emblematic of Jewish martyrdom and resistance to religious persecution.Template:Sfn

According to a rabbinic midrash, the Romans executed eight leading members of the Sanhedrin (the list of Ten Martyrs includes two earlier rabbis): Rabbi Akiva; Haninah ben Teradion; the interpreter of the Sanhedrin, Rabbi Huspith; Eleazar ben Shammua; Hanina ben Hakinai; Jeshbab the Scribe; Judah ben Dama; and Judah ben Bava. The date of Akiva's execution is disputed, some dating it to the beginning of the revolt based on the midrash, while others link it to final phases. The rabbinic account describes agonizing tortures: Akiva was flayed with iron combs, Ishmael had the skin of his head pulled off slowly, and Haninah was burned at a stake, with wet wool held by a Torah scroll wrapped around his body to prolong his death.

Confiscation of lands and resettlement

File:Roman Inscription found near Bettir in 19th century.jpg

Roman inscription found in Battir mentioning Legio V and Legio XI

Following the revolt, the Romans appear to have confiscated land that had either reverted to Jewish control during the inter-revolt period or had been appropriated by the Bar Kokhba state.Template:Sfn This policy, echoing measures taken by Vespasian after the First Revolt, is suggested by Eusebius' reference to the "enslavement" of Jewish territory in the uprising's aftermath.<ref>Ecclesiastical History, IV, 6, 1</ref>Template:Sfn Rabbinic literature also refers to "Hadrian's vineyard," a vineyard in Galilee said to stretch from Tiberias to Sepphoris, its boundaries marked by the bodies of Jews killed at Betar.<ref>Lamentations Rabbah II, 2, § 4; Jerusalem Talmud, Ta'anit, IV, 5</ref>Template:Sfn E. Mary Smallwood suggests that this story may symbolize widespread land confiscations and the establishment of Roman estates in the region following the revolt.Template:Sfn

Artistic, epigraphic, and numismatic evidence from post-revolt Judea indicates that the Roman authorities resettled the region with a diverse population. This included army veterans and immigrants from the western parts of the empire, who settled in Aelia Capitolina and its surroundings, administrative centers, and along main roads. Additionally, immigrants from the coastal plain and neighboring provinces such as Syria, Phoenicia, and Arabia settled in the Judean countryside.<ref name="Klein2010">Klein, E. (2010), “The Origins of the Rural Settlers in Judean Mountains and Foothills during the Late Roman Period”, In: E. Baruch., A. Levy-Reifer and A. Faust (eds.), New Studies on Jerusalem, Vol. 16, Ramat-Gan, pp. 321–350 (Hebrew).</ref><ref>קליין, א' (2011). היבטים בתרבות החומרית של יהודה הכפרית בתקופה הרומית המאוחרת (135–324 לסה"נ). עבודת דוקטור, אוניברסיטת בר-אילן. עמ' 314–315. (Hebrew)</ref><ref>שדמן, ע' (2016). בין נחל רבה לנחל שילה: תפרוסת היישוב הכפרי בתקופות ההלניסטית, הרומית והביזנטית לאור חפירות וסקרים. עבודת דוקטור, אוניברסיטת בר-אילן. עמ' 271–275. (Hebrew)</ref> This pagan population later gradually adopted Christianity, contributing to its rise in the area during late antiquity.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref> One of the primary groups that benefited from the Jewish decline was the Samaritans. Capitalizing on the depopulation of Jewish areas, they expanded from Samaria into northern Judea, the coastal plain, and the Beit She'an Valley. This is reflected in a saying attributed to Abbahu in the Jerusalem Talmud, according to which thirteen towns were settled by the Samaritans during the period of anti-Jewish persecutions.<ref>Jerusalem Talmud, Kiddushin, 4, 65c; Yevamot, 8, 9d</ref>Template:SfnTemplate:Efn

In the vicinity of Jerusalem, villages were depopulated, and arable land owned by Jews was confiscated. In the following centuries, the lack of an alternative population to fill the empty villages led Roman and later Byzantine authorities to seek a different approach to benefit the nobles, and ultimately the church, by constructing estate farms and monasteries on the empty village lands.<ref>Seligman, J. (2019). Were There Villages in Jerusalem's Hinterland During the Byzantine Period? In. Peleg- Barkat O. et.al. (Eds.) Between Sea and Desert: On Kings, Nomads, Cities and Monks. Essays in Honor of Joseph Patrich. Jerusalem; Tzemach. pp. 167–179.</ref> The Roman legionary tomb at Manahat, the ruins of Roman villas at Ein Yael, Khirbet er-Ras, Rephaim Valley and Ramat Rachel, and the Tenth Legion's kilns discovered near Giv'at Ram are all indications that the rural area surrounding Aelia Capitolina underwent a romanization process, with Roman citizens and Roman veterans settling in the area during the Late Roman period.<ref name="ZissuKlein">Template:Cite journal</ref> Indications for the settlement of Roman veterans in other parts of Judea proper includes a magnificent marble sarcophagus showing Dionysus discovered in Turmus Ayya, Latin-inscribed stone discovered at Khirbet Tibnah, a statue of Minerva discovered at Khirbat al-Mafjar, a tomb of a centurion at Beit Nattif and a Roman mansion with western elements discovered at Arak el-Khala, near Beit Guvrin.<ref name="Klein2010" />

In Perea, a Roman military presence in the middle of the 2nd century suggests that the Jews there were also victims of the revolt. The name of a Roman veteran from the village of Meason in Perea appears on a papyrus that was signed in Caesarea in 151, implying that lands there had been expropriated and given to Roman settlers. A building inscription of the Sixth Legion from the 2nd century was discovered at as-Salt, which is identified as Gadara, one of the principal Jewish settlements in Perea, and provides more proof of the Roman military presence there.<ref name="raviv2021" />

Renaming of Judaea to Syria Palaestina

A further and more enduring punishment was implemented by the Romans following the revolt.Template:Sfn In an effort to erase the memory of Judea and Ancient Israel, the province of Judaea—whose name carried a clear ethnic association with the Jews, being derived from the Latin IudaeiTemplate:Sfn—was officially renamed Syria Palaestina.Template:Sfn<ref name="Ariel Lewin p. 33">Ariel Lewin. The archaeology of Ancient Judea and Palestine. Getty Publications, 2005 p. 33. "It seems clear that by choosing a seemingly neutral name – one juxtaposing that of a neighboring province with the revived name of an ancient geographical entity (Palestine), already known from the writings of Herodotus – Hadrian was intending to suppress any connection between the Jewish people and that land." Template:ISBN</ref><ref name="The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered" /> This act was intended to sever the region's historical association with the Jewish people.Template:SfnTemplate:Sfn Although the Romans often renamed provinces, this instance is notable as the only recorded case in which a province's name was changed specifically in response to a rebellion—a measure not taken after revolts in provinces such as Britannia or Germania.Template:SfnTemplate:Sfn Historian Seth Schwartz writes that the name was intended to "celebrate the de-Judaization of the province."Template:Sfn Historian Werner Eck rejects the possibility that the new name reflected demographic changes following the reduction of the Jewish population—noting that a similar case in the history of Pannonia did not lead to a name change—and argues instead that it was exceptionally intended as a punishment directed against the Jews.Template:Sfn

Jewish continuity and the rise of Galilee

File:Ancient Galilee.jpg

Galilee in late antiquity

While Jewish presence in the region significantly dwindled,<ref>Oppenheimer, A'haron and Oppenheimer, Nili. Between Rome and Babylon: Studies in Jewish Leadership and Society. Mohr Siebeck, 2005, p. 2.</ref> a smaller but continuous population remained, with Galilee, which was less affected by the war,Template:Sfn emerging as its new demographic and religious center.Template:Sfn<ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation

|CitationClass=web }}</ref> The region became a central hub for Jewish leadership and spiritual creativity, with major texts such as the Mishnah and the Jerusalem Talmud being compiled between the 2nd and 4th centuries CE.<ref>Template:Harvard citation no brackets</ref>

Rabbinic literature describes how, when persecution eased, scholars gathered in the Beth Rimon Valley in Galilee, and Usha became a seat of the Sanhedrin. The Sanhedrin later relocated to other cities, including Beth She'arim and Sepphoris, before eventually settling in Tiberias as its main center.Template:Sfn Some Judean survivors resettled in Galilee and coastal cities,<ref name=":42" /><ref name=":4">Miller, 1984, p. 132</ref> with some rabbinical families gathering in Sepphoris.<ref name=":4" /> Jewish communities also persisted on the periphery of Judea, in places such as Lod,Template:Sfn Eleutheropolis, Ein Gedi, and the southern Hebron Hills, as well as on the coastal plain (including Caesarea), Beit She'an, and the Golan Heights.<ref name="CambridgeJudaism2">David Goodblatt, 'The political and social history of the Jewish community in the Land of Israel,' in William David Davies, Louis Finkelstein, Steven T. Katz (eds.) The Cambridge History of Judaism: Volume 4, The Late Roman-Rabbinic Period, Cambridge University Press, 2006 pp. 404–430 [406].</ref><ref name=":02">Template:Harvnb: "Land confiscation in Judaea was part of the suppression of the revolt policy of the Romans and punishment for the rebels. But the very claim that the sikarikon laws were annulled for settlement purposes seems to indicate that Jews continued to reside in Judaea even after the Second Revolt. There is no doubt that this area suffered the severest damage from the suppression of the revolt. Settlements in Judaea, such as Herodion and Bethar, had already been destroyed during the course of the revolt, and Jews were expelled from the districts of Gophna, Herodion, and Aqraba. However, it should not be claimed that the region of Judaea was completely destroyed. Jews continued to live in areas such as Lod (Lydda), south of the Hebron Mountain, and the coastal regions. In other areas of the Land of Israel that did not have any direct connection with the Second Revolt, no settlement changes can be identified as resulting from it."</ref>

Roman losses

File:Bronze statue of Hadrian, found at the Camp of the Sixth Roman Legion in Tel Shalem, 117–138 AD, Israel Museum, Jerusalem (15625094156).jpg

Bust of Hadrian found near Beit She'an

Roman casualties were heavy; Legio X Fretensis sustained heavy casualties during the revolt,<ref name="mor334" /> and Legio XXII Deiotariana was disbanded following the revolt, perhaps because of serious losses.<ref name="F. Keppie 2000 pp 228-229">L. J. F. Keppie (2000) Legions and Veterans: Roman Army Papers 1971–2000 Franz Steiner Verlag, Template:ISBN pp. 228–229</ref> Cassius Dio notes that "Many Romans, moreover, perished in this war," so much that Hadrian, in reporting to the Roman Senate, omitted the customary greeting: "I and the army are in health,"<ref name="Cassius">Cassius Dio, Roman History</ref> — an admission that things were not entirely well. Some argue that the exceptional number of preserved Roman veteran diplomas from the late 150s and 160s indicate an unprecedented conscription across the Roman Empire to replenish heavy losses within military legions and auxiliary units between 133 and 135, corresponding to the revolt.<ref>E. Werner. "The bar Kokhba Revolt: The Roman Point of View." The Journal of Roman Studies Vol. 89 (1999), pp. 76–89. Template:JSTOR</ref>

Some historians argue that Legio IX Hispana's disbandment in the mid-2nd century could have also been a result of this war.<ref name="livius.org" /> Previously it had generally been accepted that the Ninth disappeared around 108 CE, possibly suffering its demise in Britain, according to German historian Theodor Mommsen; but archaeological findings in 2015 from Nijmegen dated to 121 contain the known inscriptions of two senior officers who were deputy commanders of the Ninth in 120 and lived on for several decades to lead distinguished public careers. It was concluded that the legion was disbanded between 120 and 197, either as a result of fighting the Bar Kokhba revolt, or in Cappadocia (161), or at the Danube (162).<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>Template:Unreliable source?

Philosophical, cultural and religious consequences

The Roman suppression of the revolt led to a lasting internalization of imperial dominance among Jews, with political expression adapting to the permanence of Roman rule.Template:Sfn Rabbinical political thought became deeply cautious and conservative, with Jewish belief in the messiah becoming abstracted and spiritualized.Template:Citation needed Doron Mendels suggested that after the revolt, Jewish nationalism in its activist form—meaning large-scale, organized efforts to establish a Jewish state—ceased. However, a passive nationalist sentiment persisted; in rabbinic circles, the aspiration for Jewish sovereignty remained alive, but did not lead to another full-scale revolt or political military movement.Template:Sfn David Goodblatt argued that Jewish nationalism did not fall after the revolt, only its political and activist expressions ceased with the loss of Jewish statehood. He noted that Jewish national identity persisted through culture, law, language and religious traditions, even in the absence of a state. While institutions like the Temple, kingship and territorial control declined, they survived in Jewish thought, messianic hopes, and communal memory.Template:Sfn

Eusebius of Caesarea wrote that Christians were killed and suffered "all kinds of persecutions" at the hands of rebel Jews when they refused to help Bar Kokhba against the Roman troops.<ref>Eusebius, Chronicle of Hadrian, XVII</ref><ref>Bourgel, Jonathan, ″The Jewish-Christians in the storm of the Bar Kokhba Revolt″, in: From One Identity to Another: The Mother Church of Jerusalem Between the Two Jewish Revolts Against Rome (66–135/6 EC). Paris: Éditions du Cerf, collection Judaïsme ancien et Christianisme primitive, (French), pp. 127–175.</ref>Template:Sfn Although Christians regarded Jesus as the Messiah and did not support Bar Kokhba,<ref>Justin, "Apologia", ii.71, compare "Dial." cx; Eusebius "Hist. Eccl." iv.6, §2; Orosius "Hist." vii. 13</ref> they were barred from Jerusalem along with the Jews.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> The outcome of the Bar Kokhba revolt reinforced the Christian interpretation that the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE signified divine punishment, making it a key argument in anti-Jewish polemics.Template:Sfn For Eusebius, the suppression of the revolt marked the definitive end of Jewish Christianity. According to his account, from this point, the line of circumcised bishops of Hebrew ancestry leading the Jerusalem church ended,<ref>Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 4.5.3–4</ref> and leadership passed to gentile bishops, as Jerusalem became part of the Church's universal mission.Template:Sfn For Justin Martyr, the Jewish defeat in the revolt was a divine confirmation that Jerusalem's devastation was both valid and final. He saw the revolt's outcome as evidence that the covenant between God and the Jewish people, and the Temple cult, had been brought to a definite end.Template:Sfn In Dialogue with Trypho, written after the revolt, he presented Jewish circumcision not merely as obsolete, but as a mark of divine punishment. He argues it was instituted that Jews would "suffer that which you now justly suffer," associating the practice with the devastation of their land, the burning of cities, the loss of produce to foreigners, and, in reference to Hadrian's decree, the prohibition against entering Jerusalem.Template:Sfn

Following the revolt, the Hebrew language largely disappeared from daily use.<ref name=":3">Template:Cite book</ref> Prior to the uprising, Hebrew was still spoken as a living language by a significant portion of the Jewish population in the region of Judea. However, by the 3rd century CE, sages were no longer able to identify the Hebrew names of many plants mentioned in the Mishnah. Only a small number of sages in the southern regions continued to speak Hebrew. The Jerusalem Talmud and classical midrashic literature—where most narratives appear in Aramaic—indicate that Hebrew had become primarily a literary and formal language.<ref name=":3" />

Later Jewish–Roman relations

{{#invoke:Labelled list hatnote|labelledList|Main article|Main articles|Main page|Main pages}}Relations between the Jews in the region and the Roman Empire remained complicated. These relations reached a peak under the Severan dynasty (193–235 CE).Template:Sfn During much of this period, Rabbi Judah ha-Nasi, who was regarded as a descendant of David, served as the patriarch of the Jewish community. This era was marked by economic and political prosperity.Template:Sfn Rabbinic literature records cordial relations between the patriarch's household and the imperial family, with evidence of synagogues dedicated to members of the dynasty.Template:Sfn It was also during this time that the Mishnah was redacted.Template:Sfn

However, the situation later worsened. The third century CE was marked by instability, anarchy, and economic hardship.Template:Sfn Following this, the rise of Christianity, officially recognized by Constantine in 313 CE, shifted Jewish–Roman relations and led to anti-Jewish imperial legislation.Template:Sfn In 351–352 CE, the Jews of Galilee launched another revolt, provoking severe retribution.Template:Sfn Relations briefly improved under Emperor Julian, who, unlike his predecessors, opposed Christianity. In 363, he ordered the reconstruction of the Jewish Temple in Jerusalem as part of his religious pluralism effort. However, Julian was killed the same year, and the project failed.Template:Sfn By the early 5th century CE, the patriarchate was abolished, leading to the loss of centralized Jewish leadership.Template:Sfn The period also saw attacks on Jews and synagogue burnings by fanatic monks such as Barsauma and his followers.Template:Sfn In 438, when the Empress Eudocia removed the ban on Jews' praying at the Temple site, the heads of the community in Galilee issued a call "to the great and mighty people of the Jews" which began: "Know that the end of the exile of our people has come!" However, the Christian population of the city saw this as a threat to their primacy, and a riot erupted which chased Jews from the city.<ref>Avraham Yaari, Igrot Eretz Yisrael (Tel Aviv, 1943), p. 46.</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref>

During the 5th and 6th centuries, a series of Samaritan revolts broke out across Palaestina Prima. Especially violent were the third and the fourth revolts, which resulted in near annihilation of the Samaritan community.<ref>Shalev-Hurvitz, V. Oxford University Press 2015. p. 235</ref> It is likely that the Samaritan revolt of 556 was joined by the Jewish community, which had also suffered brutal suppression of their religion under Emperor Justinian.<ref>Weinberger, p. 143</ref><ref>Template:Cite journal</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref> In the belief of restoration to come, in the early 7th century the Jews made an alliance with the Sasanian Empire, joining the invasion of Palaestina Prima in 614 to overwhelm the Byzantine garrison, and briefly gained autonomy in Jerusalem.<ref name="Phoenicia">Template:Cite book</ref> This autonomy ended with the persecution of Jews, their expulsion from Jerusalem, and the killing or fleeing of many.Template:Sfn

Archaeology

Destroyed Jewish villages and fortresses

Several archaeological excavations have been performed during the 20th and 21st centuries in ruins of Roman-period Jewish villages across Judea and Samaria, as well in the Roman-dominated cities on the coastal plain. Most of the villages in Judea's larger region show signs of devastation or abandonment that dates to the Bar Kokhba revolt. Buildings and underground installations carved out beneath or close to towns, such as hiding complexes, burial caves, storage facilities, and field towers, have both been found to have destruction layers and abandonment deposits. Furthermore, there is a gap in settlement above these levels. Fragmentary material from Transjordan and the Galilee adds to the discoveries from Judea.<ref name="raviv2021" />

File:Hurvat-Itri-4713.jpg

The ruins of Horvat 'Ethri display a destruction layer dating to the revolt, along with a mass grave containing the remains of 15 individuals, including one with signs of beheading<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>

Excavations at archaeological sites such as Horvat Ethri and Khirbet Badd ‘Isa have demonstrated that these Jewish villages were destroyed in the revolt, and were only resettled by pagan populations in the 3rd century.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref><ref>Yitzhak Magen, Yoav Zionit, and Erna Sirkis, "Kiryat SeferTemplate:SndA Jewish Village and Synagogue of the Second Temple Period" (in Hebrew) Qadmoniot 117. Vol. 32 (1999) 25–32.</ref><ref>Boaz Zisu, Amir Ganor, "Horvat 'Etri – The Ruins of a Second Temple Period Jewish Village on the Coastal Plain" (in Hebrew). Qadmoniot 132, vol. 35. (2000). 18–27</ref> Discoveries from towns like Gophna, known to be Jewish before the revolt, demonstrate that pagans of Hellenistic and Roman culture lived there during the Late Roman period.<ref>Klein, E, 2011, "Gophna during the Late Roman Period in Light of Artistic and Epigraphic Finds", in: A. Tavger., Z. Amar and M. Billig (eds.), In the Highland's Depth: Ephraim Range and Binyamin Research Studies, Beit-El, pp. 119–134 (Hebrew).</ref>

Herodium was excavated by archaeologist Ehud Netzer in the 1980s, publishing results in 1985. According to findings, during the later Bar-Kokhba revolt, complex tunnels were dug, connecting the earlier cisterns with one another.<ref>Netzer E. and Arzi S., 1985. "Herodium Tunnels", Qadmoniot 18, pp. 33–38. (in Hebrew)</ref> These led from the Herodium fortress to hidden openings, which allowed surprise attacks on Roman units besieging the hill.

The ruins of Betar, the last stronghold of Bar Kokhba, are located at Khirbet al-Yahud, an archaeological site near Battir and Beitar Illit. To date, the site has not undergone systematic excavation, apart from limited work carried out by archaeologist David Ussishkin.Template:Sfn These excavations uncovered remains of defensive walls and numerous arrowheads. Additionally, a stone inscription bearing Latin characters, discovered near the site, indicates that the Fifth Macedonian Legion and the Eleventh Claudian Legion participated in the siege.<ref name="C. Clermont-Ganneau, 1899, pp. 263-270">C. Clermont-Ganneau, Archaeological Researches in Palestine during the Years 1873–74, London 1899, pp. 263–270.</ref>

Template:AnchorUnderground refuges

There were three categories of underground refuges: man-made hiding complexes with living spaces connected by tunnels, cliff shelters carved into steep cliff faces, and natural caves.

Hiding complexes

{{#invoke:Labelled list hatnote|labelledList|Main article|Main articles|Main page|Main pages}}

File:PikiWiki Israel 19975 Archeological sites of Israel.jpg

Entrance to a hiding complex dating from the revolt which was discovered in Hurvat Midras

The Bar Kokhba revolt has been better understood thanks to the discovery of artificially carved hiding complexes under many sites across Judea, and on a lesser level in the Lower Galilee. Their discovery is consistent with Cassius Dio's writings, which reported that the rebels used underground networks as part of their tactics to avoid direct confrontations with the Romans. Many were hewn in earlier times and were utilized by rebels during the revolt as indicated by the usage of the coinage produced by Bar Kokhba and other archaeological findings.<ref name=":1">Zissu, B., & Kloner, A. (2010). The Archaeology of the Second Jewish Revolt against Rome (The Bar Kokhba Revolt)–Some New Insights. Bollettino di Archeologia online I Volume speciale F, 8, 40–52.</ref><ref>Kloner, A., Zissu, B., (2003). Hiding Complexes in Judaea: An Archaeological and Geographical Update on the Area of the Bar Kokhba Revolt. In P. Schäfer (ed), The Bar Kokhba War Reconsidered: New Perspectives on the Second Jewish Revolt against Rome. Tübingen, 181–216</ref>

Hiding complexes were found at more than 130 archaeological sites in Judea; most of them in the Judaean Lowlands, but also in the Judaean Mountains, and some also in Galilee.<ref name=":1" /><ref>Kloner A., and Zissu B., 2009, Underground Hiding Complexes in Israel and the Bar Kokhba Revolt, Opera Ipogea 1/2009, pp. 9–28</ref> Examples include: Hurvat Midras, Tel Goded, Maresha, Aboud and others.

Cliff shelters and natural caves

{{#invoke:Labelled list hatnote|labelledList|Main article|Main articles|Main page|Main pages}}

Near the end of the Bar Kokhba revolt, many Jews sought refuge in caves, most of them located on high, nearly inaccessible cliffs in Israel's Judaean Desert, overlooking the Dead Sea and the Jordan Valley. Judaean Desert on high cliffs overlooking the Dead Sea and the Jordan Valley. These were primarily large natural caverns with minimal man-made modifications.<ref name=":1" /> Refugees carried luxury goods, cash, arms, documents, property deeds, and keys—evidence that they hoped to return once the fighting was over. Many of these items were found alongside the skeletal remains of their owners, a testament to their fate. The caves also yielded a significant collection of written records from the revolt.<ref name=":1" />

Two of the most famous refuge caves from the Bar Kokhba revolt were discovered in Nahal Hever, a canyon near the Dead Sea.Template:Sfn After locating these difficult-to-access caves, the Romans established siege camps above them, blocking escape routes and maintaining direct surveillance across the canyon. Cut off from food and water, the besieged families eventually starved to death.Template:Sfn

One of these caves, the Cave of Horrors, located on the southern cliffs of Nahal Hever,Template:Sfn was named after the discovery of dozens of human skeletons, including children and infants, some of whom showed preserved remains of skin, tendons, and hair.Template:SfnTemplate:Sfn Excavations uncovered Bar Kokhba revolt coins,Template:SfnTemplate:Sfn Hebrew ostraca with personal names,Template:SfnTemplate:Sfn fragments of Hebrew and Greek manuscripts—including portions of the Minor ProphetsTemplate:SfnTemplate:Sfn—as well as domestic items such as textiles, wooden artifacts, pottery vessels, fine glassware, leather sandals, and food remains.Template:SfnTemplate:Sfn

File:Cave of Letters (1).jpg

The Cave of Letters, where several documents of the period, including letters from Simeon bar Kokhba to the people of Ein Gedi, were discovered

Another important site in the area is the Cave of Letters, which was surveyed during explorations conducted in 1960–1961, yielding letters and fragments of papyri dating to the period of the Bar Kokhba revolt. The discovery, often dubbed the "Bar Kokhba archive,"<ref>Peter Schäfer. The Bar Kokhba War reconsidered. 2003. p. 184.</ref> contained letters written by Bar Kokhba and his followers and has added significant primary source material, indicating, among other things, that either a substantial part of the Jewish population spoke only Greek or that a foreign contingent served among Bar Kokhba's forces, as some military correspondence was conducted in Greek.<ref>Mordechai Gichon, 'New Insight into the Bar Kokhba War and a Reappraisal of Dio Cassius 69.12–13,' The Jewish Quarterly Review, Vol. 77, No. 1 (Jul., 1986), pp. 15–43 [40].</ref> Among the finds in the Cave of Letters were thirty-five documents belonging to Babatha, a Jewish woman from a village south of the Dead Sea, including her marriage contract and land deeds; she likely died while seeking refuge there.Template:Sfn

File:BabathaScroll.jpg

A scroll found in the cave, part of the Babatha archive

In 2023, archaeologists discovered a cache consisting of four Roman swords and a pilum concealed within a crevice in a cave located within the Ein Gedi nature reserve. Analysis of the sword types and the discovery of a Bar Kokhba revolt coin within the cave strongly support the hypothesis put forth by archaeologists, which suggests that these items were concealed by Jewish rebels during the Bar Kokhba revolt, serving as a precautionary measure to elude detection by Roman authorities.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>

Coinage

As of 2023, 24 coins from the Bar Kokhba revolt have been discovered outside of Judaea in various parts of Europe, including what was then the provinces of Britannia, Pannonia, Dacia, and Dalmatia. Most of the coins were discovered near Roman military locations, including multiple legionary and auxiliary camps, though not necessarily in a strict military context. It has been suggested to attribute these findings to Roman soldiers who took part in the uprising and brought the coins as souvenirs or commemorative relics, or to Jewish captives, slaves or immigrants who arrived in those areas in the aftermath of the revolt.<ref name="EZB2009">Eshel, H., Zissu, B., & Barkay, G. (2009). Sixteen Bar Kokhba Coins from Roman Sites in Europe. Israel Numismatic Journal, 17, 91–97.</ref><ref name="Grull2023">Grull, T. (2023), Bar Kokhba Coins from Roman Sites in Europe: A Reappraisal.</ref><ref name="CFK2018">Cesarik, N., Filipčić, D., Kramberger, V. (2018). "Bar Kokhba’s bronze coin from Kolovare Beach in Zadar". Journal of the Archaeological Museum in Zadar, Vol. 32. No. 32.</ref>

One Baraita contains a rabbinic depiction of a widespread archeological phenomenon: the discovery of hoards of Bar Kokhba coinage all over Judea. The Jews who hid those hoards were unable to collect them due to the presence of Roman garrisons, or because they were killed during the revolt's suppression. It is reasonable to believe that the extensive destruction played a part in the loss of the hiding locations as well. Thirty hoards from this era have been found, more than any other decade.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>

Roman legionary camps

A number of locations have been identified with Roman Legionary camps in the time of the Bar Kokhba War, including in Tel Shalem, Jerusalem, Lajjun and more.

Jerusalem inscription dedicated to Hadrian (129/130)

File:Reconstruction drawing of the triumphal arch dedicated to Hadrian near the camp of the Sixth Legion at Tel Shalem, Israel Museum, Jerusalem (15472504477).jpg

Schematic reconstruction of the Arch of Hadrian in Tel Shalem, celebrating the Jewish defeat

In 2014, one half of a Latin inscription was discovered in Jerusalem during excavations near the Damascus Gate.<ref name="i24news">Jerusalem Post. 21 October 2014 2,000-Year-old Inscription Dedicated to Roman Emperor Unveiled in Jerusalem </ref> It was identified as the right half of a complete inscription, the other part of which was discovered nearby in the late 19th century and is currently on display in the courtyard of Jerusalem's Studium Biblicum Franciscanum Museum. The complete inscription was translated as follows:

To the Imperator Caesar Traianus Hadrianus Augustus, son of the deified Traianus Parthicus, grandson of the deified Nerva, high priest, invested with tribunician power for the 14th time, consul for the third time, father of the country (dedicated by) the 10th legion Fretensis Antoniniana.

The inscription was dedicated by Legio X Fretensis to Hadrian in 129/130. The inscription is considered to greatly strengthen the claim that indeed the emperor visited Jerusalem that year, supporting the traditional claim that Hadrian's visit was among the main causes of the Bar Kokhba Revolt, and not the other way around.<ref name="i24news" />

Tel Shalem triumphal arc and Hadrian's statue

The location was identified as a Roman military post during the 20th century, with archaeological excavation performed in the late 20th century following an accidental discovery of Hadrian's bronze statue in the vicinity of the site in 1975.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref> Remains of a large Roman military camp and fragments of a triumphal arc dedicated to Hadrian were consequently discovered at the site.

Legacy

In Rabbinic Judaism

{{#invoke:Labelled list hatnote|labelledList|Main article|Main articles|Main page|Main pages}}

In rabbinic tradition, shaped over the two to three centuries following the revolt, Bar Kokhba was remembered as a figure whose downfall was attributed to pride and the loss of divine favor.Template:Sfn While legends preserved his image as a man of superhuman strength, they emphasized that the true foundation of the revolt's power was the spiritual support of the sages, lost when Bar Kokhba killed one of them.Template:Sfn His death, and the revolt’s failure as a whole, were framed within a moral structure of sin and punishment, rooted in arrogance and comparable to the concept of hybris in Greek thought.Template:Sfn

The disastrous end of the revolt occasioned major changes in Jewish religious thought. Jewish messianism was abstracted and spiritualized, and rabbinical political thought became deeply cautious. The Talmud, for instance, refers to Bar Kokhba as "Ben-Kusiba", a derogatory term used to indicate that he was a false Messiah. The deeply ambivalent rabbinical position regarding Messianism, as expressed most famously in Maimonides' "Epistle to Yemen," would seem to have its origins in the attempt to deal with the trauma of a failed Messianic uprising.<ref>Wikisource: "Epistle to Yemen"</ref>

The fast day of Tisha B'Av, commemorating the destruction of the First and Second Temples—as reflected in a Tannaitic tradition attributed to Rabbi Akiva identifying both events as occurring on this date—was later expanded in the Mishnah to include tragedies from the Bar Kokhba revolt: "Beitar was captured and the city (Jerusalem) was ploughed."<ref>Mishnah, Ta'anit 4:5–6</ref>Template:Sfn Another passage in the Mishnah presents the three Jewish revolts as a sequence of national defeats, each leading to added mourning practices in the context of weddings; it states that "in the final war, they forbade brides to ride in a litter inside the city."<ref>Mishnah, Sotah 9:14 (Parma manuscript)</ref>Template:Sfn

In Zionism and modern Israel

To Zionists, the Bar Kokhba Revolt became a symbol of valiant national resistance. The Zionist youth movement Betar took its name from Bar Kokhba's traditional last stronghold, and David Ben-Gurion, Israel's first prime minister, took his Hebrew last name from one of Bar Kokhba's generals.<ref>"[6]"</ref>

A popular children's song, included in the curriculum of Israeli kindergartens, has the refrain "Bar Kokhba was a Hero/He fought for Liberty," and its words describe Bar Kokhba as being captured and thrown into a lion's den, but managing to escape riding on the lion's back.<ref name="The-military-and-militarism-in-Israeli-society">The military and militarism in Israeli society by Edna Lomsky-Feder, Eyal Ben-Ari]." Retrieved on September 3, 2010</ref>

See also

• History of the Jews in the Roman Empire
• Jewish revolt against Heraclius, 614–617/625
• List of conflicts in the Near East
• Sicaricon (Jewish law)

Bibliography

Ancient sources

• Template:Cite book

Modern sources

• Template:Cite journal
• Template:Cite journal
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite journal
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite journal
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite journal
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite journal
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite journal
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite journal
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book
• Yohannan Aharoni & Michael Avi-Yonah, The MacMillan Bible Atlas, Revised Edition, pp. 164–165 (1968 & 1977 by Carta Ltd.)
• The Documents from the Bar Kokhba Period in the Cave of Letters (Judean Desert studies). Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1963–2002.
  • Vol. 2, "Greek Papyri", edited by Naphtali Lewis; "Aramaic and Nabatean Signatures and Subscriptions", edited by Yigael Yadin and Jonas C. Greenfield. (Template:ISBN).
  • Vol. 3, "Hebrew, Aramaic and Nabatean–Aramaic Papyri", edited Yigael Yadin, Jonas C. Greenfield, Ada Yardeni, BaruchA. Levine (Template:ISBN).
• Peter Schäfer (editor), Bar Kokhba reconsidered, Tübingen: Mohr: 2003
• Aharon Oppenheimer, 'The Ban of Circumcision as a Cause of the Revolt: A Reconsideration', in Bar Kokhba reconsidered, Peter Schäfer (editor), Tübingen: Mohr: 2003
• Faulkner, Neil. Apocalypse: The Great Jewish Revolt Against Rome. Stroud, Gloucestershire, UK: Tempus Publishing, 2004 (hardcover, Template:ISBN).
• Richard Marks: The Image of Bar Kokhba in Traditional Jewish Literature: False Messiah and National Hero: University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press: 1994: Template:ISBN
• Template:Cite book
• David Ussishkin: "Archaeological Soundings at Betar, Bar-Kochba's Last Stronghold", in: Tel Aviv. Journal of the Institute of Archaeology of Tel Aviv University 20 (1993) 66ff.
• Yadin, Yigael. Bar-Kokhba: The Rediscovery of the Legendary Hero of the Second Jewish Revolt Against Rome. New York: Random House, 1971 (hardcover, Template:ISBN); London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1971 (hardcover, Template:ISBN).
• Mildenberg, Leo. The Coinage of the Bar Kokhba War. Switzerland: Schweizerische Numismatische Gesellschaft, Zurich, 1984 (hardcover, Template:ISBN).
• Template:Cite book
• Template:Cite book

External links

• Wars between the Jews and Romans: Simon ben Kosiba (130–136 CE), with English translations of sources.
• Photographs from Yadin's book Bar Kokhba
• Archaeologists find tunnels from Jewish revolt against Romans by the Associated Press. Haaretz, March 13, 2006
• "Bar Kokba and Bar Kokba War" – The Jewish Encyclopedia
• Sam Aronow – The Bar Kochba Revolt | 132–136