Mirza Aslam Beg
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- Indo-Pakistani War of 1965
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- Siachen War
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- Battle of Jalalabad<ref>Template:Citation</ref>
Template:Tree list/end|Military service}}
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- Indo-Pakistani War of 1965
- Bangladesh Liberation War
- Siachen War
- Gulf War
- First Afghan Civil War
- Battle of Jalalabad<ref>Template:Citation</ref>
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Mirza Aslam BegTemplate:Efn (born 15 February 1928), also known as M. A. Beg, is a retired Pakistani four-star rank general who served as the third Chief of Army Staff of the Pakistan Army from 1988 until his retirement in 1991. His appointment as chief of army staff came when his predecessor, President General Zia-ul-Haq, died in an air crash on 17 August 1988.
Beg's tenure witnessed Benazir Bhutto being elected Prime Minister in November 1988, and the restoration of democracy and the civilian control of the military in the country. Beg financed the Islamic Democracy Alliance (IDA), the conservative and right-wing opposition alliance against left-wing PPP, and rigged the general elections in 1990 in favor of Nawaz Sharif.<ref name="The Daily Times, Pakistan">Template:Cite news</ref> As a result, Nawaz Sharif became Prime Minister in 1990, but fell out with Beg when the latter recommended support for Iraq during the Gulf War.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Beg was denied an extension from President Ghulam Ishaq Khan soon after in 1991, and replaced by General Asif Nawaz as chief of army staff.<ref name="Faruqui">Ahmad Faruqui. "The army today" Template:Webarchive Dawn, 12 October 2009</ref> Apart from his military career, Beg briefly tenured as professor of security studies at the National Defence University (NDU) and regularly writes columns in The Nation.<ref name="THe Nation">Template:Cite news</ref>
Post-retirement, Beg has been mired in controversies. In 2012, Ijaz-ul-Haq, the son of General Zia-ul-Haq accused Beg of being responsible for the airplane crash that killed President Zia.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>
In 1996, Asghar Khan filed a human rights petition alleging that former Pakistan Army Chief General Beg and Pakistani ISI Chief Asad Durrani, under President Ghulam Ishaq Khan, established an election cell to manipulate the 1990 Pakistani general election in favor of Nawaz Sharif by purchasing politicians' loyalties. Nearly 16 years later, Durrani finally admitted his role in a 2012 affidavit to the Supreme Court of Pakistan and stated that he had been ordered by Beg to disburse money to rivals of Benazir Bhutto's party.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> The ISI disbursed Rs140 million for this purpose using funds from the foreign exchange reserves of Pakistan, through Mehranbank CEO Younus Habib. In 2012, Habib stated that the money had been arranged at the behest of Ghulam Ishaq Khan and General Beg, in his affidavit to the Supreme Court of Pakistan.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Despite these revelations, no significant legal consequences have followed and Beg had continued to defy court orders.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>
Early life in India and educationEdit
Template:See also Mirza Aslam Beg was born in the small village, Muslimpatti,<ref name="Twocicles.net">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> in Azamgarh district, Uttar Pradesh in British India, to the Urdu speaking Muhajir family that was well known for its Mughal nobility, on 15 February 1928.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref name="Pakistan Herald Magazine">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>
His father, Mirza Murtaza Beg, was an advocate and practicing lawyer who had held a well known prestige and respected name in the law circles of the Allahabad High Court.<ref name="One Pakistan">Template:Cite newsTemplate:Dead link</ref> The Baig's family had traced a long ancestral roots of the Mughal royal family who once were emperors of India from the early 15th century to the early 18th century.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>
He was educated at the Azamgarh where he graduated from a local high school and enrolled at the Shibli National College, Azamgarh for his undergraduate studies, in 1945.<ref name="Outlook India">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Subsequently, he earned Bachelor of Arts (BA) degree in Liberal Arts from Shibli National College in 1949.<ref name="Outlook India"/>
During his college years, Mirza played collegiate field hockey and was vital member of his hockey team which consisted mainly Muslims.<ref name="Outlook India"/> According to his memories, Beg sought revenge on a Hindu politician belonging to Congress Party after the politician had beaten up a member of his hockey team.<ref name="Outlook India"/> Egged on by a mob of students, Beg used his hockey stick to beat up the politician at a public meeting.<ref name="Outlook India"/> This incident came after his graduation from college in 1949, and Beg's family decided to move to Pakistan in 1949 after the Indian partition in 1947.<ref name="Outlook India"/>
Military careerEdit
The Beg family set sailed for Karachi from Bombay via Royal Pakistan Navy ship in 1949. His elder brother was already a commissioned officer in the Pakistan Army and encouraged young Beg to follow his path to seek a career in the army.<ref name="Outlook India"/> Beg recalled his memoirs to his Indian interviewer and called Pakistan as "my dream country".<ref name="Outlook India"/> In 1950, Beg was accepted at the Pakistan Military Academy (PMA) in Kakul, graduating from a class of 6th PMA Long Course in 1952.<ref name="Defence Journal Pakistan">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>
In 1952, he gained a commission as 2Lt. in the 6 Baloch Regiment of the Pakistan Army and initially assisted the command of an infantry platoon.<ref name="Pakistan Herald Magazine" /> From 1952 to 1958, he progressed well toward the military ranks, having been promoted to army lieutenant in 1956; and army captain in 1958.<ref name="Pakistan Herald Magazine" /> He received recommendations from his field commanding officer for the selection by the special branch to join the special forces, and departed to the United States in 1958 to complete the special forces training with the U.S. Army Special Forces in Fort Bragg, North Carolina.<ref name="Pakistan Herald Magazine" />
In 1960, Major Beg returned to Pakistan and joined the elite Army Special Service Group (SSG), initially commanding a company that specialized in military infiltration.<ref name="Defence Journal Pakistan"/> Major Beg was deployed in Western Pakistan, in areas adjacent to Afghanistan, where his first combat experience took place when he led his company in removing the Nawab of Dir in Chitral in North-West Frontier Province.<ref name="Defence Journal Pakistan"/> In 1965, Major Beg served well in the second war with India and led the Special Forces team against the Indian Army.<ref name="Pakistan Herald Magazine" />
Academia and professorshipEdit
In 1967, Major Beg was promoted as Lieutenant-Colonel, eventually sent to attend the National Defence University (NDU) to continue his higher education, alongside then-Lieutenant-Colonel Zahid Ali Akbar, an engineering officer from the Corps of Engineers.<ref name="National Defence University (NDU); Armed Forces War College">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>
After attending the Armed Forces War College and graduated with MSc in Strategic studies in 1971, Lt.Col. Beg was stationed in East-Pakistan to serve as a military adviser to the Eastern Command led by its GOC-in-C, Lieutenant-General A.A.K. Niazi.<ref name="Oxford University Press, Kiessling" /> Upon arriving and observing the military deployments and actions, Lt.Col. Beg became very critical of Gen. Niazi's strategy and eventually became involved in acrimonious argument with his Gen. Niazi's staff in Dacca, having been very critical of armed forces interference in the political events in East.<ref name="Oxford University Press, Kiessling" /> His open mindedness and arguments with his senior officer eventually led his transfer back to Pakistan and was threatened with facing the court martial.<ref name="Oxford University Press, Kiessling" />
In 1971, he commanded an infantry regiment in third war with India but was sent back to attend the National Defence University where he became even more involved with his studies.<ref name="Oxford University Press, Kiessling" /> In 1971–72, he earned his MSc in War Studies, defending and publishing his thesis, entitled: "A journey of pain and fear" which provide critical analysis of state sponsored terrorism and its effects on geo-military positions of the countries.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref> Lt. Col. Beg left the special forces, and accepted the professorship on war studies at the NDU in 1975.<ref name=" National Defence University, Islamabad"/> Brig. Beg tenured as the professor on the war studies and remained Chief Instructor of Armed Forces War College at the then National Defence University until January 1978.<ref name=" National Defence University, Islamabad">"Chief Instructor's Gallery" Template:Webarchive National Defence University, Islamabad accessed 6 October 2009</ref>
About the 1971 war, Beg maintained that the Pakistan Armed Forces "learned a valuable strategic lesson", and that quoted that the government also learned that "there is no point in going to war unless you are absolutely certain you have the capability to win".<ref name="Dawn News, 2009">Template:Cite news</ref>
From 1994 to 1999, Beg continued his teaching at NDU and published his two books on national security, nuclear weapons development, defence diplomacy and international relations.<ref name="FRIENDS Publication">Template:Cite book</ref><ref name="Foundation for Research and National Development and Security, FRIENDS">Template:Cite book</ref>
War and Command appointmentsEdit
In 1978, Brig. Beg left the professorship at the university and was promoted into the two-star command appointment in the army.<ref name="The Nation, 1978">Template:Cite news</ref> Major-General Beg was appointed as the GOC of the 14th Army Division, stationed at the Okara Military District of Punjab Province in Pakistan.<ref name="The Nation, 1978"/>
In March 1979, chief of army staff, General Zia-ul-Haq, directed the II Strike Corps' "to ascertain the likely reaction of the Pakistan Armed Forces officers if Bhutto was hanged", in accordance to the Supreme Court's verdict.<ref name="The Nation, 1978"/> During this meeting, Major-General Beg objected to the hanging of Bhutto and maintained to his senior commanders that: "The hanging of Bhutto would be an unwise act, as it could cause very serious "political aberrations" that will be difficult to correct.<ref name="The Nation, 1978"/> In 1979, Major-General Beg was moved at Army GHQ, taking over the staff appointment as an Adjutant-General, which he served until 1980.<ref name="The Nation, 1978"/> He was later elevated as the Chief of General Staff (CGS), remained in charge of operational planning of the counter-offensive to the Indian invasion of Siachen marking the beginnings of the ongoing Siachen conflict in 1984.<ref>Maj Gen (r) Shafiq Ahmed. "Army's inquiry commissions" Template:Webarchive The Nation, 5 August 2004</ref>
In 1985, Major-General Beg was elevated to three-star promotion and was appointed as Corp's Commander of the XI Corps, that stationed in Peshawar, which had role in the indirect war with the Soviet Army in Afghanistan, since 1980.<ref>Rahimullah Yusufzai. "Change of Guard at Peshawar's 11th Corps" Template:Webarchive The News, 10 May 2001</ref>
According to the military authors and Pakistani historians' accounts, Lieutenant-General Beg was extremely distrusted by President Zia-ul-Haq, mainly due to his open-mindedness and his pro-democracy views, at one point, advising President Zia to "rendezvous with the nation's history and democratize the country."<ref name="Oxford University Press, Kiessling">Template:Cite book</ref>
In 1987, Lieutenant-General Beg was in the race for the promotion of four-star appointment, along with Lieutenant-General Zahid Ali Akbar, but was overlooked by President Zia who wanted to Lt.Gen. Akbar for the four-star appointment as chief of army staff.<ref name="Oxford University Press, Kiessling"/> Prime Minister M.K. Junejo eventually used his prerogative to appoint Lieutenant-General Mirza Aslam Beg as vice-army chief on merit, despite President Zia wanting Lieutenant-General Zahid Ali Akbar who was sent to DESTO.Template:Rp<ref name="Oxford University Press, Kiessling"/>
Chief of Army StaffEdit
In March 1987, Prime Minister Mohammad Junejo announced in the news media of appointing Lieutenant-General Beg as a Vice Chief of Army Staff, promoting him as the four-star rank general in the army.Template:Rp<ref name="Sang-i Meel Publications, Akhtar">Template:Cite book</ref>
Though, General Beg did not supersede anyone and was the most senior, the promotion was notable due to the opposition shown by President Zia-ul-Haq who wanted Lieutenant-General Zahid Ali Akbar, an engineer, as vice army chief.Template:Rp<ref name="Sang-i Meel Publications, Akhtar"/><ref name="Dawn News, 2009" />
Despite his four-star command assignment, General Beg had to report his duties and decisions to President Zia who had been army chief since 1976.<ref name=Ashgate>Template:Cite book</ref> Eventually, General Beg succeeded President Zia as the new army chief and the command of the army when the latter died in an accidental plane crash on 17 August 1988.<ref name="Special to the New York Times">Template:Cite news</ref> American military authors regarded Beg as "mild but bookish general" keen to drive the country towards the tracks of democracy.<ref name="SecretHistory">Template:Cite book</ref>
The United States military regarded Beg as an "Unpredictable General"<ref name="Special to the New York Times"/> could not be counted on to continue close military cooperation with the United States as Zia did in the 1980s.<ref name="Special to the New York Times"/> The Pentagon had commented on Beg as "a professional soldier" with no political ambitions, but independent-minded and unpredictable.<ref name="Special to the New York Times"/> In 1988, one Pentagon military official added that "Beg is hard to figure out and difficult to read his mindset unlike other Pakistan army generals, he hasn't been particularly friendly with the US."<ref name="Special to the New York Times"/>
Against the popular perception to take over, Beg endorsed Ghulam Ishaq Khan as president and ultimately called for new general elections which resulted in a peaceful democratic transfer of government to the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) with Benazir Bhutto as the Prime minister.<ref name="UNESCO Publ.">Template:Cite book</ref><ref name="Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Gov. Print. Off.">Template:Cite book</ref> Beg did not consult any of his corps commanders or principal staff officers (PSOs) and called on the Chief of Naval Staff, Admiral Iftikhar Sirohey, and Chief of Air Staff Air Chief Marshal Hakimullah, to discuss the matter briefly and within three hours of General Zia-ul-Haq's death, restored the Constitution and handed over power to Ghulam Ishaq Khan.<ref name="The Nation, June 19, 2011"/> It was an unprecedented decision in favour of democracy and the rule of law.<ref name="The Nation, June 19, 2011">Template:Cite news</ref>
Mirza Aslam Beg was endorsed by Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto who confirmed his four-star appointment as chief of army staff until 1991, when he was replaced by General Asif Nawaz.<ref name="Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Gov. Print. Off."/> Unlike General Zia, Beg initiated a massive re-evaluation and education training program for the inter-services officers.<ref name="Stanford University Press">Template:Cite book</ref> In 1988, Beg's personal initiatives led to sending of hundreds of inter-services officers to Western universities for advanced degrees.<ref name="Stanford University Press"/> By 1991, several of the inter-services officers had gained post-graduate degree in operational and technical training.<ref name="Stanford University Press"/>
In 1988, Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto conferred Beg with a specially designated civil award for Mirza Aslam Beg for restoring democracy in Pakistan, Tamgha-e-Jamhuriat (lit. Medal of Democracy).<ref name="The News International">Template:Cite news</ref> In fact, Beg is the only one in Pakistan, and yet the only four-star army general to have been decorated with such an honour.<ref name="The News International"/> Although Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto was criticized for decorating a four-star general with a civilian award, she used to justify her decision, saying that Beg deserved this honour because he refrained from indulging in yet another military adventure like Zia and instead helped Pakistan to a peaceful transition of power through general elections.<ref name="The News International"/>
On 16 August 1991, General Beg retired from his military serving, completing 41 years of service, and handing over command to General Asif Nawaz.<ref name="Faruqui"/> As an army chief, General Beg is credited by an Australian Army expert for encouraging "wider thinking about tactics" within the Pakistan Army, particularly for establishing a much improved logistics chain and "contributed immensely to the army's warfighting capabilities".<ref name="Faruqui"/>
Soviet withdrawal and Afghan warEdit
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As chief of army staff, Beg determinately retained the military's control over the policies regarding the national security of Pakistan, and dictated Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto's role in formulating the national security policies.<ref name="SecretHistory"/> Beg testified that the "real causes behind the 'Pressler amendment' was significant as long as Pakistan was considered an important entity of weakening Soviet Union's influence in South Asia".<ref name="State Univ. of New York Press">Template:Cite book</ref> Various writers greatly questioned his idea of "strategic depth", which aim to transfer of Pakistan's military science command in dense Afghanistan, against the war with India.<ref name="Burlington, VT">Template:Cite book</ref>
Beg endorsed the role of his deputy, Lieutenant-General Hamid Gul in Afghanistan war who masterminded the Jalalabad operation which failed brutally; Gul was deposed by Prime Minister Bhutto soon after this action.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> Beg's role remained vital during and after the Soviet Union's troop withdrawal from Afghanistan and showed no intention to coordinate joint efforts with the U.S. to end the war in the country.<ref name="PublicAffairs">Template:Cite book</ref> In late 1989, Pakistan and U.S. propagated the message of departing of communist government in order to bring the clerical government instead.<ref name="PublicAffairs"/> Authors and media reporters maintained that Beg controversially proposed an intelligence contingency plan between the agencies of Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iran that would grow into the "core of the Muslim world".<ref name="PublicAffairs"/> Such idea was met with hostility in the government and Foreign Minister Yacob Khan and Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto were the ones who objected and opposed to this idea.<ref name="PublicAffairs"/>
Gulf War in IraqEdit
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In 1989, Beg drafted a contingency plan and organized a massive military exercise, Exercise Zarb-e-Momin, to prove the military solidarity contentions. One of the notable events as a stint as a chief of army staff during the end of Cold War took place in 1990, when Iraq invaded Kuwait amidst political tensions between two Arab countries. Beg fully endorsed the United States-led military campaign against Iraq. In a briefing given to Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto and President Ghulam Ishaq Khan, Beg maintained the assessment that once the ground battle with the Iraqi Army was joined, the Iraqi Army would comprehensively defeat and repel the American Army.<ref name="Frankfort, IL"/>
Ironically, Beg accused the Western countries for encouraging Iraq to invade Kuwait, though he kept his armed forces fighting against Iraq in support to Saudi Arabia.<ref name="Authors Choice Press">Template:Cite book</ref><ref name="Oxford University Press, Ghareeb"/> In 1990, he held state dinner for United States Central Command (SCENTCOM) commander General Norman Schwarzkopf where, together with Chairman Joint Chiefs Admiral Iftikhar Sirohey, brief the USCENTCOM on Pakistan Armed Forces battle preparations and military operational capabilities of Pakistan armed forces in Saudi contingent.<ref name="Bantam Books">Template:Cite book</ref>
The Iraq war with Kuwait was a polarizing political issue in Pakistan and Beg carefully commanded and deployed the Pakistan Armed Forces' contingent forces during Operation Desert Storm in 1991.<ref name="Oxford University Press, Ghareeb">Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Beg calculated that the popular opinion would be in favor of Iraq, as the anti-American sentiment in the Middle East began to grow at that time.<ref name="Frankfort, IL"/>
But neither did Beg's strategic prediction come true nor did he get an extension.<ref name="Frankfort, IL"/> Soon after the end of Gulf war, Beg proceeded towards his retirement on 18 August 1991.<ref name="Frankfort, IL">Template:Cite book</ref>
Post-military careerEdit
After failing to persuade the government for his extension, Beg's later political ambitions forced then-president Ghulam Ishaq Khan to nominate General Asif Nawaz as the designated chief of army staff three months prior to his retirement.<ref name="The Daily Times, Pakistan"/> After Beg's retirement he continued the professorship at National Defence University in Islamabad, and remained active in country's political and military affairs.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>
Funding of conservative politiciansEdit
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Soon after retiring from his military service in 1991, Beg earned the public criticism when the Pakistan Peoples Party's politicians went on aired on several news channels of being charged on personally authorizing the intelligence funds to be released to the conservative politicians.<ref name="The Daily Times, Pakistan" /> A lawsuit was filed by Asghar Khan at the Supreme Court of Pakistan against him, the former Director ISI Asad Durrani, and Younis Habib, the accountant with the Ministry of Defence in 1992, and official court inquiries began when the local Pakistani newspaper, alleging that the conservatives had received as much as ₨. 140 million to win over the "for-sale" leftists politicians.<ref name="The Daily Times, Pakistan" />
In 1994, the official government investigations pursued further when Interior minister Naseerullah Babar in Benazir administration disclosed this matter at the Parliament while maintaining that "it was the ISI that had disbursed funds to purchase the loyalty of conservative mass and nationalist public figures to manipulate the general elections held in 1990 and to bring the conservatives in race to compete with left-wing politicians in the country."<ref name="The Daily Times, Pakistan" /> It was reported that Gen. Beg had the Younis Habib released and deposited around ₨. 140 million in the Survey Section 202 account of Military Intelligence (MI), with ₨. 6 million were channeled to accounts of President Ghulam Ishaq Khan including the bureaucracts: Syed Refaqat Hussain, Roedad Khan, and Ijlal Zaidi.<ref>Cowasjee, Ardeshir We never learn from history Template:Webarchive Dawn Newspaper, 19 August 2007</ref> In 2017, the second lawsuit filed against Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has connected him when Just. Gulzar, in his final verdict, reads:
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[Late] Ghulam Ishaq Khan, the then-President of Pakistan, General Aslam Beg and General Asad Durrani acted in violation of the Constitution by facilitating a group of politicians and political parties, etc., to ensure their success against the rival candidates in the general election of 1990, for which they secured funds from Mr. Yunus Habib. Their acts have brought a bad name to Pakistan and professionality of the Armed Forces as well as intelligence agencies in the eyes of the nation, therefore, notwithstanding that they may have retired from service, the [Federal] Government shall take necessary steps under the Constitution and Law against them.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation
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Nuclear proliferation controversyEdit
Internationally, Beg was widely criticised for his alleged involvement with the nuclear program of Iran. A report in The Friday Times contends that after taking over as Chief of Army Staff, General Aslam Beg began lobbying about "such cooperation with Iran" on nuclear technology as a part of his "strategy of defiance" of the United States. As chief of army staff, Beg had initiated lectureship programs on physics, chemistry, mathematics and engineering for inter-services officers, by the Pakistani scientists serving their professors, to have better understanding on nuclear policy matters and policy development.<ref name="Stanford University Press"/>
Earlier, Beg had calculated that such cooperation with Iran was popular and that, Saudi Arabia and the Persian Gulf Arabs were less popular as American clients in the region.<ref name="The Express Tribune, 2012" /> General Beg had encouraged dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan to proliferate technology to Iran and North Korea.<ref name="The Express Tribune, 2012" />
The speed with which he maintained the "new nuclear policy" leads one to speculate whether he simply wanted the "obstacle" of General Zia to disappear from the scene.<ref name="The Express Tribune, 2012" /> General Zia did not know or received any payments of such agreement; in fact, Zia did not know if Beg was in act with Iran.<ref name="The Express Tribune, 2012" /> Zia was deeply committed to the Arabs, especially to Saudi Arabia, to create a restraint to contain the Iranian influence.<ref name="The Express Tribune, 2012" /> According to Ahmad, Prime minister Nawaz Sharif was shocked that Beg had signed a secret nuclear deal with Iran without telling him; therefore, the Prime minister abrogated the cooperation and tightened the security watch on A.Q. Khan.<ref name="The Express Tribune, 2012" /> However, in 2004 interview to PBS, Beg clearly denied of his involvement with Iranian program and quoted:
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If [Benazir] government wasn't aware, how was I aware? I was army chief from 1988 to 1991. If we were never told what was happening beneath the surface when the Americans knew, when the British agencies knew, when they have claimed they have penetrated the entire system including Pakistan— so are they not guilty?{{#if:Mirza Aslam Beg, 2004source<ref name="PBS Frontline">Template:Cite news</ref>|{{#if:|}}
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In 2005 interview to NBC, Beg defended his and A.Q. Khan's ground and maintained to the NBC that "Nuclear Proliferators can't be stopped." Beg added that the Americans and Europeans have been engaged in nuclear proliferation as part of a concept, called "outsourcing nuclear capability", to friendly countries as a measure of defense against nuclear strike.<ref name="spacewar">Template:Cite news</ref> Beg pointed out that the "nuclear non-proliferation regime, therefore, is dying its natural death at the hands of those who are the exponents of the nuclear non-proliferation regime".<ref name="spacewar"/> Beg also theorized that "nuclear deterrent is what holds the strategic balance between the two or more belligerents".<ref name="spacewar"/>
Accusation of role in Zia's deathEdit
{{#invoke:Labelled list hatnote|labelledList|Main article|Main articles|Main page|Main pages}} According to an article in the Express Tribune, Beg was in contact with senior scientist, Dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan, about bringing Iran into the fold of "nuclear prowess" much to the annoyance of his superior and senior officer, General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq.<ref name="The Express Tribune, 2012">Template:Cite news</ref> At this point, without a green signal from President Zia-ul-Haq, Beg got acquainted with Dr. A.Q. Khan to secretly proliferate the technology crucial to master the nuclear fuel.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>
On 1 December 2012, President Zia's son Ijaz-ul-Haq maintained that it was Beg who was conspired behind the death of his father.<ref name="The Express Tribune, 2012" /> Earlier in 1988, the Shafiur Rehman Commission that was to establish the cause of the crash of Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq's plane concluded that because of Army's obstruction in the investigation, the real perpetrators behind the attack cannot be brought forward.<ref>Khaled Ahmed. "The Death of Zia-ul-Haq" Criterion Quarterly, April–June 2007 Issue — Vol. 2 No. 2</ref>
Political activismEdit
Upon returning to civilian life, General Beg founded and established a policy think-tank institute in Islamabad, known as Foundation for Research on International Environment National Development and Security (Friends).<ref name="Friends NGO">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> He is the current founding chairman of the Friends think-tank since its foundations.<ref name="Friends NGO"/>
Beg later founded the nationalist political party, the Awami Qaiyadat Party (lit. National Leadership Party) which continued to be a part of right-wing sphere.<ref name="Election Commission of Pakistan"/> Though his party gained no political prominence and failed to compete in national general elections, his party remains registered in the Election Commission with Gun as its election symbol.<ref name="Election Commission of Pakistan">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>
Musharraf on BegEdit
General Beg was one of many professor under whom Musharraf had studied at National Defence University.<ref name="Pakistan Herald Magazine" /> Musharraf had high regards for Beg as one of his "significant professor" in his university years, but after 11 September 2001 they became estranged.<ref name="Pakistan Herald Magazine" /> Beg was labelled as one of many professors at NDU who were called "pseudo-intellectuals" by Musharraf.<ref name="Pakistan Herald Magazine" /><ref>Retired generals, officers of other ranks urge Musharraf to step down Template:Webarchive Dawn Newspaper, 23 January 2008</ref>
Awards and decorationsEdit
| Nishan-e-Imtiaz
(Military) (Order of Excellence) |
Hilal-i-Imtiaz
(Military) (Crescent of Excellence) |
Sitara-e-Basalat
(Star of Valour) |
Tamgha-e-Diffa
(Defence Medal) | |
| Sitara-e-Harb 1965 War
(War Star 1965) |
Sitara-e-Harb 1971 War
(War Star 1971) |
Tamgha-e-Jang 1965 War
(War Medal 1965) |
Tamgha-e-Jang 1971 War
(War Medal 1971) | |
| 10 Years Service Medal | 20 Years Service Medal | 30 Years Service Medal | 40 Years Service Medal | |
| Tamgha-e-Sad Saala Jashan-e-e-Quaid-e-Azam
(100th Birth Anniversary of Muhammad Ali Jinnah) 1976 |
Tamgha-e-Qayam-e-Jamhuria
(Republic Commemoration Medal) 1956 |
Hijri Tamgha
(Hijri Medal) 1979 |
Jamhuriat Tamgha
(Democracy Medal) 1988 | |
| Qarardad-e-Pakistan Tamgha
(Resolution Day Golden Jubilee Medal) 1990 |
Tong il | The Legion of Merit
(Degree of Commander)<ref name="US Dept of Army">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |
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Order of King Abdul Aziz |
Foreign decorationsEdit
LiteratureEdit
Books authored by BegEdit
Articles and works by BegEdit
Further readingEdit
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ReferencesEdit
NotesEdit
BibliographyEdit
- Zahid Hussain. Frontline Pakistan: The Struggle with Militant Islam, New York: Columbia University Press, 2007.
- Template:Cite book
External linksEdit
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