Cult of personality
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Template:Use American English Template:Use mdy dates A cult of personality, or a cult of the leader,<ref name="mudde">Mudde, Cas and Kaltwasser, Cristóbal Rovira (2017) Populism: A Very Short Introduction. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 63. Template:Isbn</ref> is the result of an effort which is made to create an idealized and heroic image of a glorious leader, often through unquestioning flattery and praise. Historically, it has been developed through techniques such as the manipulation of the mass media, the dissemination of propaganda, the staging of spectacles, the manipulation of the arts, the instilling of patriotism, and government-organized demonstrations and rallies. A cult of personality is similar to apotheosis, except that it is established through the use of modern social engineering techniques, it is usually established by the state or the party in one-party states and dominant-party states. Cults of personality often accompany the leaders of totalitarian or authoritarian governments. They can also be seen in some monarchies, theocracies, failed democracies, and even in liberal democracies.
BackgroundEdit
Throughout human history, monarchs and other heads of state were frequently treated with enormous reverence and they were also thought to be endowed with super-human qualities. Through the principle of the divine right of kings, notably in medieval Europe, rulers were said to hold office by the will of God or the will of the gods. Ancient Egypt, Imperial Japan, the Inca, the Aztecs, Tibet, Siam (now Thailand), and the Roman Empire are especially noted for their redefinition of monarchs as "god-kings". Furthermore, the Imperial cult of ancient Rome identified emperors and some members of their families with the divinely sanctioned authority (auctoritas) of the Roman State.
The spread of democratic and secular ideas in Europe and North America in the 18th and 19th centuries made it increasingly difficult for monarchs to preserve this aura, though Napoleon III,<ref name=":2">Template:Cite book</ref> and Queen Victoria<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> appreciated its perpetuation in their carte-de-visite portraits which proliferated, circulated and were collected in the 19th century.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref name=":02">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>
The subsequent development of mass media, such as radio, enabled political leaders to project a positive image of themselves onto the masses as never before. It was from these circumstances in the 20th century that the most notorious personality cults arose. Frequently, these cults are a form of political religion.Template:Sfn
The advent of the Internet and the World Wide Web in the 21st century has renewed the personality cult phenomenon. Disinformation via social media platforms and the twenty-four hour news cycle has enabled the widespread dissemination and acceptance of deceptive information and propaganda.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref> As a result, personality cults have grown and remained popular in many places, corresponding with a marked rise in authoritarian government across the world.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>
The term "cult of personality" likely appeared in English around 1800–1850, along with the French and German versions of the term.<ref name="Heller2004">Template:Cite book</ref> It initially had no political connotations, but was instead closely related to the Romanticist "cult of genius".<ref name="Heller2004" /> The first known political use of the phrase appeared in a letter from Karl Marx to German political worker Wilhelm Blos dated to November 10, 1877:<ref name="Heller2004" />
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Neither of us cares a straw of popularity. Let me cite one proof of this: such was my aversion to the personality cult [orig. Personenkultus] that at the time of the International, when plagued by numerous moves ... to accord me public honor, I never allowed one of these to enter the domain of publicity ...<ref name="Heller2004" /><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation
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CharacteristicsEdit
There are various views about what constitutes a cult of personality in a leader. Historian Jan Plamper wrote that modern-day personality cults display five characteristics that set them apart from "their predecessors": The cults are secular and "anchored in popular sovereignty"; their objects are all males; they target the entire population, not only the well-to-do or just the ruling class; they use mass media; they exist where the mass media can be controlled enough to inhibit the introduction of "rival cults".Template:Sfn
In his 2013 paper, "What is character and why it really does matter", Thomas A. Wright stated, "The cult of personality phenomenon refers to the idealized, even god-like, public image of an individual consciously shaped and molded through constant propaganda and media exposure. As a result, one is able to manipulate others based entirely on the influence of public personality ... the cult of personality perspective focuses on the often shallow, external images that many public figures cultivate to create an idealized and heroic image."<ref name="autogenerated29">Template:Cite journal</ref>
Adrian Teodor Popan defined a cult of personality as a "quantitatively exaggerated and qualitatively extravagant public demonstration of praise of the leader." He also identified three causal "necessary, but not sufficient, structural conditions, and a path-dependent chain of events which, together, lead to the cult formation: a particular combination of patrimonialism and clientelism, lack of dissidence, and systematic falsification pervading the society's culture."<ref>Template:Cite thesis</ref>
One underlying characteristic, as explained by John Pittman, is the nature of the cult of personalities to be a patriarch. The idea of the cult of personalities that coincides with the Marxist movements gains popular footing among the men in power with the idea that they would be the "fathers of the people".Template:According to whom By the end of the 1920s, the male features of the cults became more extreme. Pittman identifies that these features became roles including the "formal role for a [male] 'great leader' as a cultural focus of the apparatus of the regime: reliance on top-down 'administrative measures': and a pyramidal structure of authority" which was created by a single ideal.<ref name="Pittman" />
Role of mass mediaEdit
The twentieth century brought technological advancements that made it possible for regimes to package propaganda in the form of radio broadcasts, films, and later content on the internet.Template:Cn
Writing in 2013, Thomas A. Wright observed that "[i]t is becoming evident that the charismatic leader, especially in politics, has increasingly become the product of media and self-exposure."<ref name="autogenerated29" /> Focusing on the media in the United States, Robert N. Bellah added, "It is hard to determine the extent to which the media reflect the cult of personality in American politics and to what extent they have created it. Surely they did not create it all alone, but just as surely they have contributed to it. In any case, American politics is dominated by the personalities of political leaders to an extent rare in the modern world ... in the personalized politics of recent years the 'charisma' of the leader may be almost entirely a product of media exposure."<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>
PurposeEdit
Jan Plamper argues while Napoleon III made some innovations in France, it was Benito Mussolini in Italy in the 1920s who originated the model of dictator-as-cult-figure that was emulated by Hitler, Stalin and the others, using the propaganda powers of a totalitarian state.Template:Sfn
Pierre du Bois de Dunilac argues that the Stalin cult was elaborately constructed to legitimize his rule. Many deliberate distortions and falsehoods were used.<ref>Template:Cite journal See abstract in Template:Cite book</ref> The Kremlin refused access to archival records that might reveal the truth, and key documents were destroyed. Photographs were altered and documents were invented.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref> People who knew Stalin were forced to provide "official" accounts to meet the ideological demands of the cult, especially as Stalin himself presented it in 1938 in Short Course on the History of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), which became the official history.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>
Historian David L. Hoffmann states "The Stalin cult was a central element of Stalinism, and as such it was one of the most salient features of Soviet rule ... Many scholars of Stalinism cite the cult as integral to Stalin's power or as evidence of Stalin's megalomania."<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>
In Latin America, Cas Mudde and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser link the "cult of the leader" to the concept of the caudillo, a strong leader "who exercises a power that is independent of any office and free of any constraint." These populist strongmen are portrayed as "masculine and potentially violent" and enhance their authority through the use of the cult of personality. Mudde and Kaltwasser trace the linkage back to Juan Perón of Argentina.<ref name=mudde />
States and systems with personality cultsEdit
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ArgentinaEdit
Juan Perón, who was elected three times as President of Argentina, and his second wife, Eva "Evita" Perón, were immensely popular among many of the Argentine people, and to this day they are still considered icons by the leading Justicialist Party. In contrast, academics and detractors often considered him a demagogue and a dictator. Perón sympathised with the Axis powers when he was a colonel and Minister of War<ref>Template:Cite magazine</ref> and even served as a diplomatic envoy to Fascist Italy. During his regime he kept close ties with Francoist Spain. He ferociously persecuted dissents and potential political rivals, as political arrests were common during his first two terms. He eroded the republican principles of the country as a way to stay in power and forced statewide censorship on most media.<ref name="Martínez Eloy">Template:Cite magazine</ref> Following his election, he built a personality cult around both himself and his wife so pervasive it is still a part of Argentina's current political life.<ref>Politics and Education in Argentina, 1946–1962, by Mónica Esti Rein; trans by Martha Grenzeback. Published by M. E. Sharpe, Armonk, NY/London, 1998, pp. 79–80.</ref>
During Perón's regime, schools were forced to read Evita's biography La Razón de mi Vida, union and government jobs were only given to those who could prove themselves to be a fervent Peronist, newspapers were censored and television and radio networks were nationalized, and only state media was allowed. He often showed contempt for any opponents, regularly characterizing them as traitors and agents of foreign powers. Those who did not fall in line or were perceived as a threat to Perón's political power were subject to losing their jobs, threats, violence and harassment. Perón dismissed over 20,000 university professors and faculty members from all major public education institutions.<ref name="rock">Template:Cite book</ref> Universities were then intervened, the faculty was pressured to get in line and those who resisted were blacklisted, dismissed or exiled. Numerous prominent cultural and intellectual figures were imprisoned.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Thousands of artists, scientists, writers and academics left the country, migrated to North America or Europe. Union leaders and political rivals were arrested and tortured for years<ref name="eh-Pigna">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref> and were only released after Perón was deposed.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>
AzerbaijanEdit
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BrazilEdit
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BangladeshEdit
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Mujibism initially began as the political ideology of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, which was gradually converted into a cult of personality around him by his daughter Sheikh Hasina, leader of the Awami League, the party which under the leadership of Mujib, led Bangladesh's secession from Pakistan.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref> After being pushed to the sidelines by 2 successive military dictators Ziaur Rehman (who founded the Bangladesh Nationalist Party) & Hussain Muhammad Ershad (who founded the Bangladesh National Party), Mujib came back to dominate public consciousness from 2008 under the Awami League government led by Hasina. Hasina has been criticised for overemphasising the role of her father & the Awami League in securing Bangladeshi independence at the cost of sidelining other prominent figures & political parties of the time.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Hasina had amended the constitution to make the presence of Mujib's portrait mandatory in every school, government office & diplomatic missions of the country & made it illegal to criticise Mujib, his ideals & his deeds, especially the one-party BAKSAL regime (1972–75) headed by him, through writing, speech or electronic media. Many events commemorating the birth-centenary of Bangabandhu ('Friend of Bengal' in Bengali, the honorific unofficial title given to Mujib in his lifetime) were launched by the Hasina administration, including an official biopic in collaboration with the Indian government. The Hasina government converted Mujib's residence in the capital city of Dhaka, where he & his family was assassinated by mutinous military personnel in 1975, into a memorial museum. Hasina designated the day of Mujib's assassination as the National Day of Mourning.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref> The Hasina government also made the birthdays of Mujib, his wife Sheikh Fazilatunessa, eldest son Sheikh Kamal & youngest son Sheikh Russel as official government holidays, alongside March 7 (on that day in 1971, Mujib declared Bangladesh's secession at a speech in Dhaka). Under Hasina's rule, the country was dotted with numerous statues of Mujib alongside several roads & prominent institutions named after him. Critics state that Hasina utilises the personality cult around her father to justify her own authoritarianism, crackdown on political dissent & democratic backsliding of the country.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Following the violent overthrow of Sheikh Hasina in 2024, the cult of personality around Mujib is being systematically dismantled.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite magazine</ref>
ChinaEdit
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Mao Zedong's cult of personality was a prominent part of Chairman Mao Zedong's rule over the People's Republic of China from his rise in 1949 until his death in 1976. Mass media, propaganda and a series of other techniques were used by the state to elevate Mao Zedong's status to that of an infallible heroic leader, who could stand up against The West, and guide China to become a beacon of Communism. Mao himself, however, publicly criticized the personality cult which was formed around him.<ref>Lin, Xu and Wu 1995. p. 48.</ref>
During the period of the Cultural Revolution, Mao's personality cult soared to an unprecedented height. Mao's face was firmly established on the front page of People's Daily, where a column of his quotes was also printed every day. Mao's Selected Works were later printed in even greater circulation; the number of his portraits (1.2 billion) was more than the inhabitants in China. And soon Chairman Mao badges began to appear; in total, about 4.8 billion were manufactured.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> Every Chinese citizen was presented with the Little Red Book – a selection of quotes from Mao. It was prescribed to be carried everywhere and displayed at all public events, and citizens were expected to quote the contents of the book daily.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> Mao himself believed that the situation had gone out of hand, and in a conversation with Edgar Snow in 1970, he denounced the titles of "Great Leader, Great Supreme Commander, Great Helmsman" and insisted on only being called "teacher".<ref name="阎长贵">Template:Cite journal</ref> Admiration for Mao Zedong has remained widespread in China in spite of somewhat general knowledge of his actions. In December 2013, a Global Times poll revealed that over 85% of Chinese viewed Mao's achievements as outweighing his mistakes.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
Chiang Kai-shek had a cult of personality. His portraits were commonly displayed in private homes and they were also commonly displayed in public on the streets.Template:Sfn<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> When the Muslim general and warlord Ma Lin was interviewed, he was described as having "high admiration for and unwavering loyalty to Chiang Kai-shek".<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>
After the Cultural Revolution, Deng Xiaoping and others launched the "Boluan Fanzheng" program which invalidated the Cultural Revolution and abandoned (and forbade) the use of a personality cult.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>
A cult of personality has been developing around Xi Jinping since he became General Secretary of the ruling Chinese Communist Party and the regime's paramount leader in 2012.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
Dominican RepublicEdit
Longtime dictator of the Dominican Republic Rafael Trujillo (ruled 1930–1961) was the center of a large personality cult. The nation's capital city, its highest peak, and a province were renamed for him. Statues of "El Jefe" were mass-produced and erected across the country, and bridges and public buildings were named in his honor. Automobile license plates included slogans such as "¡Viva Trujillo!" and "Año Del Benefactor De La Patria" (Year of the Benefactor of the Nation). An electric sign was erected in Ciudad Trujillo so that "Dios y Trujillo" could be seen at night as well as in the day. Eventually, even churches were required to post the slogan "Dios en el cielo, Trujillo en la tierra" (God in Heaven, Trujillo on Earth). As time went on, the order of the phrases was reversed (Trujillo on Earth, God in Heaven).<ref>Roorda, Eric, The Dictator Next Door: the good neighbor policy and the Trujillo regime in the Dominican Republic, 1930–1945. Durham: Duke University Press, 1998, p. 120.</ref>
HaitiEdit
{{#invoke:Labelled list hatnote|labelledList|Main article|Main articles|Main page|Main pages}} François Duvalier, also known as Papa Doc, was a Haitian politician who served as the president of Haiti from 1957 until his death in 1971. He was elected president in the 1957 general election on a populist and black nationalist platform. After thwarting a military coup d'état in 1958, his regime rapidly became more autocratic and despotic. An undercover government death squad, the Tonton Macoute (Template:Langx), indiscriminately tortured or killed Duvalier's opponents; the Tonton Macoute was thought to be so pervasive that Haitians became highly fearful of expressing any form of dissent, even in private. Duvalier further sought to solidify his rule by incorporating elements of Haitian mythology into a personality cult.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>
ItalyEdit
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Benito Mussolini was portrayed as the embodiment of Italian Fascism and as a result, he was keen to be seen as such.Template:Sfn Mussolini was styled by other Italian fascists as Il Duce ("The Leader"). Since Mussolini was represented as an almost omniscient leader, a common saying in Italy during Mussolini's rule was "The Duce is always right" (Italian: Il Duce ha sempre ragione).Template:Sfn Mussolini became a unifying force in Italy in order for ordinary Italians to put their difference to one side with local officials. The personality cult surrounding Mussolini became a way for him to justify his personal rule and it acted as a way to enable social and political integration.
Mussolini's military service in World War I and survival of failed assassination attempts were used to convey a mysterious aura around him.Template:Sfn Fascist propaganda stated that Mussolini's body had been pierced by shrapnel just like St. Sebastian had been pierced by arrows, the difference being that Mussolini had survived this ordeal.Template:Sfn Mussolini was also compared to St. Francis of Assisi, who had, like Mussolini, "suffered and sacrificed himself for others".Template:Sfn
The press were given instructions on what and what not to write about Mussolini.Template:Sfn Mussolini himself authorized which photographs of him were allowed to be published and rejected any photographs which made him appear weak or less prominent than he wanted to be portrayed as in a particular group.Template:Sfn
Italy's war against Ethiopia (1935–37) was portrayed in propaganda as a revival of the Roman Empire, with Mussolini as the first Roman emperor Augustus.Template:Sfn To improve his own image, as well as the image of Fascism in the Arab world, Mussolini declared himself to be the "Protector of Islam" during an official visit to Libya in 1937.Template:Sfn
IndiaEdit
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During the days of the freedom struggle, Mahatma Gandhi had a cult-like following amongst the people of India. Congress leaders like Chittaranjan Das and Subhash Chandra Bose who opposed Gandhi's methods, found themselves sidelined within the party. The assassination of Gandhi in 1948 led to widespread violence against Marathi Brahmins by his followers. After Gandhi's death, his cult was eclipsed by another personality cult that had developed around India's first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> C Rajagopalachari criticized the personality cult surrounding Nehru, saying that there should be an opposition group within the Congress. Rajagopalachari later formed the economically right-wing Swatantra Party in opposition to Nehru's socialist economic view.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> The expression 'Nehruvian consensus' reflects the dominance of Nehruvian ideals, a product of Nehru's personality cult and the associated statism, i.e. the overarching faith in the state and the leadership.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> However, Nehru himself actively discouraged the creation of a cult of personality around him.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> He wrote an essay titled 'Rashtrapati' in 1937 published in the Modern Review warning people about dictatorship and emphasizing the value of questioning leaders.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>
The Congress party has been accused of promoting a personality cult centered around Nehru, his daughter Indira Gandhi and the Nehru-Gandhi family.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Indira Gandhi has also been described as having a cult of personality during her administration.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Following India's victory in the 1971 Indo-Pak war, Gandhi was hailed by many as a manifestation of the Hindu goddess Durga.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> In that year, Gandhi nominated herself as a recipient for the Bharat Ratna, the highest civilian award of the country. During the Emergency period the then Congress party president Devakanta Barooah, had remarked 'India is Indira, Indira is India'. Her assassination in 1984 by her Sikh bodyguards sparked a massive wave of public grief and anti-Sikh violence. The Congress party led by her son Rajiv Gandhi utilised her death to win the general elections shortly held after. His assassination while campaigning in the 1991 general elections also led to widespread public grief, which was utilised by the Congress to win the elections despite unfavorable circumstances.Template:Citation needed
Current Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is often criticized for creating a personality cult around him.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Despite some setbacks and criticism,<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Modi's charisma and popularity was a key factor that helped the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) return to power in the 2019 general elections.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Shivraj Singh Chouhan, the chief minister of the country's second largest state, said in 2022, "He is superhuman and has traces of God in him."<ref name=":0">Template:Cite news</ref> The Opposition often accused Modi for spreading propaganda using popular media such as movies, television and web series. Modi is often accused of having narcissist traits.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref> In 2015, Modi wore a suit which has his name embroidered all over it in fine letters while greeting US president Barack Obama during his bilateral visit to India.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> This suit was auctioned that year, selling at a record amount of 43.1 million Indian rupees, thereby earning the Guinness World Records for the most expensive suit.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> In 2019, a biographical film of Modi was released, which was heavily criticized for its hagiographical nature.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref> In 2021, Modi named the world's largest cricket stadium after himself. During the 2024 general elections, Modi tried to divinise himself in an interview, in which he stated that he viewed himself to be sent directly by God to serve a special purpose on Earth.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> BJP spokesperson Sambit Patra while campaigning in the Hindu holy city of Puri stated that even Jagannath (the form of the Hindu god Vishnu which is venerated there) worships Modi.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> The BJP is also stated to have created a cult of personality around Hindu Mahasabha leader V. D. Savarkar and Gandhi's assassin Nathuram Godse to oppose the dominance of Gandhian philosophy in Indian society.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>
One study claims that India's political culture since the decline of the Congress' single-handed dominance over national politics from the 1990s onwards as a fallout of the Ram Janmabhoomi movement and Mandal Commission protests has paved way for personality cults centered around leaders of the small regional parties,<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> derived from hero-worship of sportspersons and film industry celebrities<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> and the concept of bhakti,<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> which in turn has fostered nepotism, cronyism and sycophancy. Among these leaders, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister J. Jayalalitha had one of the most extensive ones. She was widely referred by leaders and members of her party as Amma ('mother' in Tamil, also used to refer to Hindu goddesses) and would prostrate themselves before her. She would be regularly publicly applauded with Tamil titles like Makkalin Mudhalvar (people's chief minister), Puratchi Thalaivi (revolutionary female leader), Thanga Thalaivi (golden female leader) etc by her cadres. Her government provided various kinds of subsidised goods under the brand name of Amma. Widespread violence broke out throughout the state when she was arrested on charges of corruption. A huge wave of public grief swept all over the state, with some even committing suicide, following her death in 2016.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Another leader, Mayawati, was also known for attempting to foster a cult of personality during her tenure as the Chief Minister of India's most populous state by getting constructed large statues of herself and the elephant (which was the electoral symbol of her party) that were installed in public parks at the cost of government exchequer.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>
Historical personalities are also deified to the level of cult worship long after their lifetimes which is utilised by politicians to woo their followers for electoral purposes. Prominent examples are the cult of Shivaji in Maharashtra<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> and the cult of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar among Dalits.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>
GermanyEdit
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Starting in the 1920s, during the early years of the Nazi Party, Nazi propaganda began to depict the Nazi leader Adolf Hitler as a demagogue figure who was the almighty defender and savior of Germany. After the end of World War I (1918) and the Treaty of Versailles (1919), the German people experienced turmoil under the Weimar Republic, and, according to Nazi propaganda, only Hitler could save them and restore Germany's greatness, which in turn gave rise to the "Führer-cult".<ref name="spiegel1">Template:Cite news</ref> During the five election campaigns in 1932, the Nazi newspaper Völkischer Beobachter portrayed Hitler as a man who had a mass movement united behind him, a man with one mission Template:-- to solely save Germany as the 'Leader of the coming Germany'.Template:Sfn The Night of the Long Knives in 1934 – after which Hitler referred to himself as being single-handedly "responsible for the fate of the German people" – also helped to reinforce the myth that Hitler was the sole protector of the Volksgemeinschaft, the ethnic community of the German people.Template:Sfn
Nazi Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels cultivated an image of Hitler as a "heroic genius".<ref name=spiegel1 /> The myth also gave rise to the saying and concept, "If only the Führer knew". Germans thought that problems which they ascribed to the Nazi hierarchy would not have occurred if Hitler had been aware of the situation; thus Nazi bigwigs were blamed, and Hitler escaped criticism.Template:Sfn
British historian Ian Kershaw published his book The "Hitler Myth": Image and Reality in the Third Reich in 1987 and wrote:
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Hitler stood for at least some things they [German people] admired, and for many had become the symbol and embodiment of the national revival which the Third Reich had in many respects been perceived to accomplish.Template:Sfn{{#if:|{{#if:|}}
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During the early 1930s, the myth was given credence due to Hitler's perceived ability to revive the German economy during the Great Depression. However, Albert Speer wrote that by 1939, the myth was under threat and the Nazis had to organize cheering crowds to turn up to events. Speer wrote:
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The shift in the mood of the population, the drooping morale which began to be felt throughout Germany in 1939, was evident in the necessity to organize cheering crowds where two years earlier Hitler had been able to count on spontaneity. What is more, he himself had meanwhile moved away from the admiring masses. He tended to be angry and impatient more often than in the past when, as still occasionally happened, a crowd on Wilhelmsplatz began clamoring for him to appear. Two years before he had often stepped out on the "historic balcony." Now he sometimes snapped at his adjutants when they came to him with the request that he show himself: "Stop bothering me with that!"Template:Sfn{{#if:|{{#if:|}}
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The myth helped to unite the German people during World War II, especially against the Soviet Union and the Western Allies. During Hitler's early victories against Poland and Western Europe the myth was at its peak, but when it became obvious to most Germans that the war was lost then the myth was exposed and Hitler's popularity declined.
A report is given in the little Bavarian town of Markt Schellenberg on March 11, 1945:
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When the leader of the Wehrmacht unit at the end of his speech called for a Sieg Heil for the Führer, it was returned neither by the Wehrmacht present, nor by the Volkssturm, nor by the spectators of the civilian population who had turned up. This silence of the masses ... probably reflects better than anything else, the attitudes of the population.Template:Sfn{{#if:|{{#if:|}}
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North KoreaEdit
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The cult of personality which surrounds North Korea's ruling family, the Kim family,<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> has existed for decades and it can be found in many aspects of North Korean culture.<ref>Choe, Yong-ho., Lee, Peter H., and de Barry, Wm. Theodore., eds. Sources of Korean Tradition, Chichester, NY: Columbia University Press, p. 419, 2000.</ref> Although not acknowledged by the North Korean government, many defectors and Western visitors state there are often stiff penalties for those who criticize or do not show "proper" respect for the regime.<ref name="Forer">{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> The personality cult began soon after Kim Il Sung took power in 1948, and was greatly expanded after his death in 1994.
The pervasiveness and the extreme nature of North Korea's personality cult surpasses those of Joseph Stalin and Mao Zedong.<ref name="Armstrong 2013 222">Template:Cite book</ref> The cult is also marked by the intensity of the people's feelings for and devotion to their leaders,<ref name="HelenHunter">Template:Cite book</ref> and the key role played by a Confucianized ideology of familism both in maintaining the cult and thereby in sustaining the regime itself. The North Korean cult of personality is a large part of Juche and totalitarianism.
Yakov Novichenko, a Soviet military officer who saved Kim Il Sung's life on 1 May 1946, is reported to also have developed a cult of personality around 1984. He is considered the only non-Korean to have developed a cult of personality there.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref> Template:Clear left
PeruEdit
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PhilippinesEdit
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Nowadays both conservative and liberal groups have developed cult of personalities around their political frontman, most notably supporters of Leni Robredo who are dubbed as 'kakampinks' or less commonly 'pinklawan' , both a play on her affiliation with the Liberal Party and her branding of pink/magenta colors, Bongbong Marcos and his family, mostly surrounding his father's legacy, and Rodrigo Duterte and his family dubbed 'Diehard Duterte Supporters' , a play on the acronym of Rodrigo Duterte's Davao Death Squad.
PolandEdit
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RomaniaEdit
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RussiaEdit
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Russian President Vladimir Putin has created a cult of personality for himself as an outdoorsy, sporty, tough guy public image, demonstrating his physical capabilities and taking part in unusual or dangerous acts, such as extreme sports and interaction with wild animals.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>
Soviet UnionEdit
{{#invoke:Labelled list hatnote|labelledList|Main article|Main articles|Main page|Main pages}}Template:Multiple image The first cult of personality to take shape in the USSR was that of Vladimir Lenin. Up until the dissolution of the USSR in 1991, Lenin's portrait and quotes were a ubiquitous part of the culture. However, during his lifetime, Lenin vehemently denounced any effort to build a cult of personality, as (in his eyes) the cult of personality was antithetical to Marxism.<ref name="Tucker">Template:Cite journal</ref> Despite this, members of the Communist Party used Lenin's image as the all-knowing revolutionary who would liberate the proletariat. Lenin attempted to take action against this; however it was halted after Lenin was nearly assassinated in August 1918. His health would only further decline as he suffered numerous severe strokes, with the worst in May 1922 and March 1923. In this state Lenin would lose the ability to walk and speak. During this time the Bolshevik Party began to promote the accomplishments of Lenin as the basis for a cult of personality, using him as an image of morality and of revolutionary ideas.<ref name="Pittman">Template:Cite journal</ref>
After Vladimir Lenin's death in 1924 and the exile of Leon Trotsky in 1928, Joseph Stalin came to embody the Soviet Union. Once Lenin's cult of personality had grown, creating enough influence, Stalin integrated Lenin's ideals into his own cult.<ref name="Tucker" /> Unlike other cults of personalities, the Lenin and Stalin cults were not created to give the leaders power, they were created to give power and validation to the Communist Party. Stalin initially spoke out against the cult and other outrageous and false claims centered around him. However Stalin's attitude began to shift in favor of the cult in the 1930s, and he began to encourage it following the Great Purge of 1936 to 1938.<ref name="Pisch">Template:Cite book</ref> Seldom did Stalin object to state actions that furthered his cult of personality, however he did oppose some initiatives from Soviet propagandists. When Nikolai Yezhov proposed to rename Moscow to Template:Translit, which translates as "gift of Stalin", Stalin objected.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref> To merge the Lenin and Stalin cults together, Stalin changed aspects of Lenin's life in the public's eye in order to place himself in power. This kept the two cults in a line that showed that both Lenin and Stalin had the same ideas and that Stalin was the rightful successor of Lenin, leading the USSR in the fashion Lenin would have done.<ref name="Tucker" />
In December 1929, Stalin celebrated his 50th birthday, which featured prominently in the Soviet press.Template:Sfn The media used positive adjectives like, "Great", "Beloved", "Bold", "Wise", "Inspirer", and "Genius" to describe him.Template:Sfn Similarly, speeches that were given by people to the peasants described Stalin as "Our Best Collective Farm Worker", "Our Shockworker, Our Best of Best", and "Our Darling, Our Guiding Star".Template:Sfn By 1934, under Stalin's full control of the country, socialist realism became the endorsed method of art and literature.<ref name="Pisch" /> Even under the communist regime, the Stalin cult of personality portrayed Stalin's leadership as patriarchy under the features laid out during Khrushchev's 1956 speech.<ref name="Pittman" /> After 1936, the Soviet press described Stalin as the "Father of Nations".<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>
One key element of Soviet propaganda was interaction between Stalin and the children of the Soviet Union. He was often photographed with children of different ethnic backgrounds of the Soviet Union and was often photographed giving gifts to children. In 1935 the phrase, "Thank You, Dear Comrade Stalin, for a Happy Childhood!" started to appear above doorways at nurseries, orphanages, and schools; children also chanted this slogan at festivals.Template:Sfn Another key element of Soviet propaganda was imagery of Stalin and Lenin. In many posters, Stalin and Lenin were placed together to show their camaraderie and that their ideals were one. Throughout the 1930s, posters with both images were used as a way to bring the nation and the military together under the policies of the Communist Party during World War II, with the idea of Lenin as the father of the revolutionary ideas and Stalin as the disciple who would fulfill the communist ideals.<ref name="Pisch" /> Stalin was also portrayed in numerous films produced by Mosfilm, which remained a Soviet-led company until the fall of the Soviet Union.
SpainEdit
Template:See alsoFollowing the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in 1936, Francisco Franco's image was deliberately crafted through extensive nationalist propaganda that portrayed him as a messianic figure and savior of traditional Spanish values against republican and communist forces.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref> The carefully constructed narrative emphasized his military prowess and Catholic piety, with state-controlled media consistently depicting him as "El Caudillo" (The Leader), a divinely appointed guardian of Spain's cultural and religious heritage.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>
SyriaEdit
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Syria's Hafez al-Assad, a Ba'athist officer who seized power through a coup d'état in 1970, established a pervasive cult of personality to maintain his dictatorship. As soon as he took over power, Ba'ath party loyalists designated him as "Al-Abad"; an Arabic terminology with deep religious dimensions. Linguistically, ''Al-Abad'' means "forever, infinite and immortality" and religious clerics use this term in relation to Divine Attributes. By designating Assad as "Al-Abad", Syrian Ba'ath Movement ideologically elevated Hafez al-Assad as its "Immortal", "god-like figure" who is supposed to represent the state as well as the Syrian nation itself. Another meaning of Al-Abad is "permanent", which is used in state propaganda to denote the perpetual status quo of an "eternal political order" created by Hafez al-Assad, who continues to live in Assadist ideology. The term's verbal form "Abada" means "to commit genocide" including the "symbolical; performative side of violence". This dimension has been weaponized by the Assad regime to monopolize violence against alleged dissidents and justify state terrorism, including genocidal acts of mass murder like the Hama Massacre, Qamishli Massacre and other massacres of the Syrian civil war.<ref name="auto"/>
Arab Socialist Ba'ath party initially manufactured Hafez al-Assad's cult of Arab socialist heroism in consultancy with Soviet state propagandists, mimicking the pervasive personality cults prevalent across Soviet Bloc dictatorships like Romania and North Korea. Beginning as a tool to bind every Syrian citizen with the obligation of undying loyalty (bay'ah) to Assad in 1970s, the propaganda was further intensified and personalist depictions reached new heights during the 1980s. The state began re-writing Syrian history itself, with the Ba'ath party deifying Hafez al-Assad as their "leader for eternity" ["qa'iduna ila l-abad"] and portraying him as "the second Saladin" who guarantees Arab peoples victory over Zionist Crusaders. Through kindergarten, school books, educational institutions and Baathist media; Assadist propaganda constructed the image of a homogenous Arab nation protected by a fatherly leader revelling under the "cult of Saladin". Assad regime venerates Hafez al-Assad's personalist iconography perpetually in the public and private spheres of everyday Syrian life; through monuments, images, murals, posters, statues, stamps, Ba'athist symbolism, currency notes, photos, banners, state TV, etc.<ref name=gruber>Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>Template:Rp More than a leader of the masses, Ba'athist propaganda equated Hafez al-Assad itself with "the people", apart from declaring him as the "father of the nation" and as an exceptional human being; being assigned with multiple roles as a doctor, soldier, lawyer, educator, statesman, general, etc. Every civil society organization, trade union and any form of cultural or religious associations in Syria, are obliged to declare their "binding covenant to Hafez al-Assad and display his iconography, in order to be legalized. The far-reaching personality cult of his father has been weaponized by Bashar al-Assad as a pillar of his regime's legitimacy and also as a supplement to enhance his own personality cult. Bashar's cult downplayed religious elements for technocratic Arab socialist themes, with a constant militaristic emphasis on conspiratorial threats from forces of Zionism due to an allegedly ongoing "dormant war with Israel".<ref name=gruber/>Template:Rp
One utilization of the personality cult has been to enable the Assad dynasty to downplay the rural Alawite origins of their family from public eyes. Images of Assad family members are installed across Syria's numerous heritage sites and monuments, to wed the dynasty with Ba'athist Syrian history. Murals and statues of Hafez al-Assad and Bashar al-Assad were constructed across Syrian cities, towns, villages, etc. depicting them in the costumes of medieval Bedouins or as sultans like Harun al-Rashid.<ref name=gruber/>Template:Rp Assadist cult of personality functioned as a psychological tool for the totalitarian regime; which attempted to claim towards the Syrian society that the Ba'athist system shall continue ruling eternally, forever, with no end.<ref name="auto" /> The Assadist cult is being dismantled following the fall of the Assad regime.Template:Citation needed
TurkeyEdit
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TurkmenistanEdit
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Saparmurat Niyazov, who was President of Turkmenistan from 1985 to 2006,<ref>"Bizarre, brutal and self-obsessed. Now time's up for Turkmenistan's dictator". The Guardian. December 22, 2006.</ref> is another oft-cited cultivator of a cult of personality.<ref name="USSD2001Turkmenistan">"Turkmenistan". Country Reports on Human Rights Practices. U.S. State Department. March 4, 2002.</ref><ref name="crisisgroup.org">International Crisis Group. July 2003. Central Asia: Islam and the State. ICG Asia Report No. 59. Available on-line at http://www.crisisgroup.org/</ref><ref>Shikhmuradov, Boris. May 2002. Security and Conflict in Central Asia and the Caspian Region. International Security Program, Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University. Available on-line at http://www.ciaonet.org/</ref> Human Rights Watch, in its World Report 2012, said there was a cult of personality of President Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedow.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> Agence France-Presse reported a developing personality cult.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Reporters Without Borders said the president was promoting a cult of personality around himself and that his portraits had taken the place of those of the previous president.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref>
United StatesEdit
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A number of presidents in American history have been noted by various historians as being supported by the effects of a cult of personality,<ref>Isemberg, Nanmu and Burstein, Andrew (2019) The Problem of Democracy: The Presidents Adams Confront the Cult of Personality. New York: Penguin. pp. 66, 447–448. Template:Isbn</ref> among them George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Andrew Jackson, Theodore Roosevelt,<ref>Hawley, Joshua David. Theodore Roosevelt: Preacher of Righteousness. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press. p. 187. Template:Isbn</ref><ref>Cullinane, Michael Patrick. Theodore Roosevelt's Ghost: The History and Memory of an American Icon Baton Rouge: Louisiana: LSU Press. p. 87. Template:Isbn</ref> Franklin D. Roosevelt,<ref>Bilias, George Athan and Brob Gerald N. (1971) 'American history: retrospect and prospectTemplate:Dead link New York Free Press.</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref> Ronald Reagan, and Donald Trump.<ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>Steven Hassan The Cult of Trump: A Leading Cult Expert Explains How the President Uses Mind Control, 2019. Template:ISBN</ref><ref>{{#invoke:citation/CS1|citation |CitationClass=web }}</ref><ref>Woods, Thomas E. Jr. (2007) 33 Questions About American History You're Not Supposed to Ask New York, Crown. p. 136 Template:Isbn</ref> Conrad Black, who wrote several biographies of American presidents, argued that "supreme champion of the American personality cult" has "deservedly" been Abraham Lincoln.<ref name="Black-2012-nationalpost.com-lincoln">Template:Cite news</ref> John F. Kennedy's cult of personality largely came about after his assassination, although his and his wife Jackie Kennedy's appearance all contributed to the aura of "Camelot" which surrounded his administration.<ref>Beck, Kent M. (1974) "The Kennedy Image: Politics, Camelot, and Vietnam". The Wisconsin Magazine of History, v. 58, n. 1, pp. 45–55. Retrieved May 28, 2021</ref>
Another American politician to whom a cult of personality has been ascribed is Huey Long, the populist governor of Louisiana from 1928 to 1932, who continued to control the politics of the state as a United States senator until he was assassinated in 1935.<ref>Kaplan-Levinson, Laine (November 23, 2018) "Huey Long Vs. The Media" New Orleans Public Radio</ref><ref>Curtis, Michael (January 24, 2016) "The Danger of the Cult of Personality in Politics" Template:Webarchive New English Review</ref> The LaRouche movement has been considered to be a personality cult based upon Lyndon LaRouche.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref>
VenezuelaEdit
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VietnamEdit
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The Vietnamese Communist Party regime has continually maintained a personality cult around Ho Chi Minh since the 1950s in North Vietnam, and it was later extended to South Vietnam after reunification, which it sees as a crucial part of its propaganda campaign surrounding Ho and the Party's past.<ref name="bbc.co.uk"/>
The former capital of South Vietnam, Saigon, was officially renamed Ho Chi Minh City on May 1, 1975, one day after its capture, which officially ended the Vietnam War.<ref name="bbc.co.uk">Template:Cite news</ref>
YugoslaviaEdit
{{#invoke:Labelled list hatnote|labelledList|Main article|Main articles|Main page|Main pages}} A cult of personality was created around Yugoslav President Josip Broz Tito, imitating that of the cult of Stalin.<ref name="Pirjevec">Template:Cite book</ref> Homage included naming towns and cities after him, inscribing the name TITO on walls and mountain slopes, and planting memorial alleys.<ref name="Pirjevec"/><ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref>
Commercial superstarsEdit
Some senior commercial executives, following in the footsteps of the likes of heroes such as Henry Ford or Thomas J. Watson,<ref> Template:Cite book </ref> have also become "omnipotent superstars" and the objects of cults of personality.<ref> Template:Cite book </ref>
See alsoEdit
- Bread and circuses
- Charismatic authority
- Great man theory
- Imperial cult
- List of cults of personality
ReferencesEdit
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External linksEdit
- Why Dictators Love Kitsch by Eric Gibson, The Wall Street Journal, August 10, 2009
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